SHEIKH HAMID JONGO NA MASHEIKH WENGINE WALIOPITA

Sheikh Hamid Jongo

Kibonzo cha Sheikh ''Jongoo'' Jongo
Mwananchi 27 Aprili 2014

Tumekaa barzani tukimtafakari Sheikh Jongo na kilio chake ndani ya Bunge Maalum la Katiba. Kuna waliosema ni uchuro wako waliosema alikuwa katika kugombea tuzo kubwa duniani ya uigizaji ile ya ''Oscar'' inayotolewa Marekani kwa waigizaji nguli, ili muradi Sheikh Jongo akawa kichekesho na kiroja. Katika barza hii kuna watoto wa masheikh wakubwa waliopita na sasa kuna na vijukuu. Wengi wa vijukuu hawakupata kabisa kuwajua mababu zao masheikh ila kwa kupitia simulizi basi. Mmoja wa mjukuu wa shariff maarufu anasema, ''Huu ndiyo mwisho wangu wa kuswali nyuma ya Jongo.'' Huyu kijana na yeye ni shariff kutokana na nasaba yake na anakaa jirani sana na Msikiti wa Manyema anaposalisha Sheikh Jongo. Katika kuonyesha hamaki yake kamkata jina Sheikh Jongo anamuita ''Jongo'' usheikh wa Sheikh Jongo kautoa. Huyu ni kijana aliyeleleka vyema kwao kwa adabu zote. Kama isingelikuwa kwa kile kituko cha Sheikh Jongo bungeni asingeliweza hata kidogo kumkata jina. Huyu ni kijana mdogo lakini hata wakubwa kwa ajili ya ile heshima ya usharifu wanapozungumzanae humiita ''Shariff.''  Huyu Jongo mnafiki sana, ''Shariff anaendelea kumkata jina Sheikh Jongo na kumshambulia. ''Mimi nitavuka mtaa wa Bibi Titi nikaswali Rawdha kuliko kuswali nyuma ya huyu Sheikh wa CCM na BAKWATA.'' Sasa lishakuwa zogo anashambuliwa Sheikh Jongo, BAKWATA na CCM wote wametiwa kundi moja. Nimekaa kimya nasikiliza na sasa ndiyo inaanza kunidhihirikia ukweli wa tatizo la kilio cha Sheikh Jongo katika Bunge. Mara naulizwa, ''Sheikh Mohamed hivi katika historia yetu lishapatikana kama hili la Jongo?'' Nafikiri kama lipo lililowatia Waislam simanzi huko nyuma tulikotoka. Barza imekuwa kimya wanasubiri nizungumze.

Wasomaji,

Mimi sitaki nieleze niliyozungumza pale barzani. Napenda nikuwekeeni mkasa wa Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, kisa ambacho alinisomesha kaka yangu na sheikh wangu, marehemu Sheikh Ali bin Abbas kwa jina la maskhara tukimwita,’’Mudeer.’’

Sheikh Ali bin Abbas akihakikiwa kadi yake Ukumbi wa Arnatouglo
kwa Chama cha siasa cha NEMA 1993

Sheikh Ali bin Abbas na Mwandishi Nyumbani Kwake Mwenge

''Ilikuwa katika taarab iliyoandaliwa kusheherekea  kufunguliwa kwa tawi la TANU Dar es Salaam ya Kaskazini katika mtaa wa Mvita, nyumba namba 10, tarehe 10 Agosti, 1957, ulimi wa Sheikh Takadir ukateleza, akamuita Nyerere ‘’mtume.’’ Tawi la TANU Dar es Salaam ya Kaskazini lilikuja kuwa lenye nguvu sana kuliko yote na tawi likawa na mafanikio labda kupita matawi yote katika Tanganyika. Mwenyekiti wake alikuwa Mtoro Kibwana na mweka hazina Sheikh Haidar Mwinyimvua, ambae baadae aliingia kamati kuu ya TANU ya taifa. Kwenye hafla ile, katika kumtambulisha Nyerere na kummiminia sifa, Sheikh Takadir bila kufikiri aliwaambia wasikilizaji wake kuwa ‘’Nyerere ni mtume wa Afrika.’’ Kama kauli ile ingetolewa siku nyingine yoyote ile, huenda tamko hilo lisingezua kishindo, na huenda lingepita bila kuwa na taathira yeyote mbaya. Lakini ufunguzi wa tawi la TANU la Mvita katika siku hiyo tarehe 10 Agosti, 1957 ilikuwa siku maalum kwa wakazi wa Dar es Salaam.

Kwanza, Dar es Salaam ilijitokeza shuhudia kutoka kwa mwimbaji stadi, Nuru binti Sudi, kutoka Al-Watan na kujiunga na wapinzani wao Egyptian. Hivi vilikuwa vikundi viwili vya taarab vikishindana mjini Dar es Salaam. Siku hiyo Nuru alikuwa anaimba pamoja na kikundi chake kipya kwa mara ya kwanza na mashabiki wake walikuwa wamekuja kumwona bingwa wao akiimba katika hafla ya TANU. Halikadhalika mashabiki wa Egyptian walikuwa wamekuja vile vile kushagilia na kuwazomea washindani wao kwa kumchukua bingwa wao. Kulikuwa na sababu nyingine kwa watu kushangilia. Katika kuhama huko kutoka Al-Watan na kuingia Egyptian, Nuru alikuwa ameweka msimamo wa kisiasa. Nuru alikuwa na damu mchanganyiko. Baba yake alikuwa Mwarabu na mama yake alikuwa Mwafrika.  Kabla ya kutoka Al-Watan na kuingia Egyptian alikuwa mwanachama wa Coronation ambacho kilikuwa chama cha akina-mama wenye asili ya Kiarabu. Kwa hiyo ilichukuliwa kwamba, maadam Egyptian ilihusiana na Waafrika, kwa kitendo kile cha kuhama Al-Watan, Nuru alikuwa ameasi na kurudi kwa ndugu zake, yaani Waafrika.  Amerudi kwenye asili yake, kwenye tumbo la mama yake aliyemzaa. Hivi ndivyo mambo yalivyokuwa siku zile, kila jambo lilipewa tafsiri ya kisiasa. Wakati huo UTP ilikuwa tayari imeshanzishwa na Egyptian ilikuwa imetunga nyimbo maalum kwa ajili ya hafla hiyo ambayo Nuru aliimba kuidhihaki UTP. Sehemu ya mashairi yake yalikuwa yanasema hivi: ‘’Ma-UTP wana majambo, TANU wanaichukia.’’

Pili, ili kuadhimisha kufunguliwa kwa tawi la TANU Mvita, TANU iliwaalika wajumbe wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria, wengi wao machifu, ili kushuhudia sherehe hiyo. Miongoni mwao walikuwa Chifu Kidaha Makwaia, Humbi Ziota, Msabila Lugusha, Mwami Theresa Ntare na wengine wengi. Vilevile walikuwepo watu wengine mashuhuri kama Hamis Mfaranyaki ambae ndiye alikuwa kiongozi wa Wangoni mjini Dares Salaam, Paul Bomani, Said Chaurembo, kaka yake Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo na wengine wengi. Pamoja na watu wote hawa mashuhuri kuhudhuria, huu ulikuwa usiku adhimu kwa TANU. Hapakuwa na shaka yoyote kuwa chochote kitakachosemwa katika hafla kama hiyo kitakuwa na athari kwa watu. Ilikuwa katika hafla hii ndipo siku ulimi wa Sheikh Takadir ukateleza.

Katika hotuba zake Sheikh Takadir alikuwa akiitaja TANU kama ‘’tano,’’ na alipotamka neno ‘’tano’’ alikuwa akionyesha vidole vyake vitano vya mkono wa kulia, bila shaka yoyote akifananisha na  sala tano za fardh katika Uislam. Sheikh Takadir alikuwa akipandisha hisia kali za Kiislamu kwa wasikilizaji wake kwa kutoa mifano mingi katika Qurían Tukufu, akihadthia mifano ya mathalan, kisa cha Daudi na Jalut, kisa cha Firauni nawaziri mkuu wake, Haman na jinsi walivyowakandamiza Bani-Israil. Sheikh Takadir alikuwa akimaliza hotuba zake kwa kuonyesha kuwa mwishowe haki hushinda batil akimaananisha kuwa uovu wa Waingereza utashindwa. Ilikuwa katika hotuba zake nyingi kama hizi za kumsifu Nyerere, Sheikh Takadir aliteleza na kumwita Nyerere ‘’mtume.’’

Katika hafla hiyo waheshimiwa, wageni waalikwa walipewa vitafunio, vinywaji baridi na chai. Nyerere katika kutoa shukrani kwa wanachama wa TANU alikamata kikombe cha chai na kukionyesha juu kwa wasikilizaji wake. Aliwaambia watu kwamba wasidhani kitendo cha kumpa mtu  kikombe cha chai ni kitu kidogo. Nyerere aliendelea kusema kuwa watu wameiuza nchi hii kwa kupewa kikombe cha chai na wakoloni. Nyerere alikuwa akitoa maneno hayo akiwa anawapigia vijembe watu maalum. Nyerere kwa maneno yake  alikuwa akiwakusudia machifu. Baadhi yao walikuwa pale pale katika meza kuu wakinywa chai na yeye. Wakati  huo baadhi ya machifu walikuwa wakishirikiana na Gavana Twining na UTP katika hila za kuipiga vita TANU ishindwe kuikomboa  Tanganyika kutoka makucha ya ukoloni. Ilikuwa dhahiri kuwa makombo waliyokuwa wakipata machifu kutoka kwa Mwingereza hayakuwa hata na thamani ya kikombe cha chai. Maneno ya Nyerere hayakuwa fumbo kwa wale machifu. Yalikuwa maneno ya wazi ambayo waliyaelewa. Machifu walitambua kuwa wao ndiyo walikuwa wakisemwa katika hotuba ile ya shukurani.  Ilikuwa katika usiku huu Sheikh Takadir katika hotuba yake alimweleza rais wa TANU, Nyerere, kama mtume aliyeletwa na Allah kuja kuikomboa Afrika.

Maneno haya yalimuudhi sana Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir na Waislam wengine. Siku chache baada ya maneno yale ya Sheikh Takadir, Mufti Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir akiwa amefuatana na Chifu Makongoro alikutana na Sheikh Suleiman Takadir njiani, katika makutano ya Mtaa wa Swahili na Mkunguni, Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir alimkabili Sheikh Takadir na kumwambia asirudie tena maneno hayo kwa kuwa yalikuwa kufr. Kwa Sheikh Takadir kumtaja Nyerere kama ëmtumeí, hakuwa tu anampandisha Nyerere kwenye daraja isiyoweza kufikiwa na kiumbe chochote, lakini lililo baya zaidi, alikuwa akitoa kauli hiyo kwa Mkristo. Sheikh Takadir alikaidi maneno ya mufti. Jibu lake kwa Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir lilikuwa, ''Wewe ndiyo maana umefukuzwa Unguja.''  Kwa kohofia kauli mbaya kutoka kwa Sheikh Takadir, na alipoona Sheikh Takadir hataki kusikiliza nasaha za Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir, Chifu Makongoro alimuomba mufti waondoke mahali pale.''

(Kutoka kitabu, ''Maisha na Nyakati za Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968) Kisa Kilichofichwa Kisifahamike Kuhusu Harakati za Waislam Dhidi ya Ukoloni wa Waingereza Katika Tanganyika''), Phoenix Publishers, Nairobi 2002.

Miaka mingi ilipita zaidi ya 50 siku moja nilikwenda kwa marehemu Mzee Shaaban Gonga mmoja wa wanachama wa mwanzo kabisa wa TANU na mtu anaeijua vyema historia yake. Nilitaka kujua kisa hiki cha ''Utume wa Nyerere.'' Mzee Gonga alinambia kuwa kisa kile ndicho kilichomwangamiza Sheikh Suleiman Takadir na Nyerere akahakikisha kuwa Sheikh Takadir anafukuzwa TANU na anafutwa katika historia ya nchi hii, ''Siku ile Sheikh Takadir alipokataa kusikiza nasaa za Sheikh Hassan bin Amir ndiyo siku alipolaanika.'' Mzee Gonga alinifahamisha. Hakika yalikuwa maneno mazito...

Fuatilia kisa cha Sheikh Jongo na kilio cha kumlilia Mwalimu Nyerere...

Vitabu kadhaa vimeandikwa kuhusu historia ya TANU na hakuna mwandishi yoyote aliyemtaja Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, si kwa kheri wala kwa shari. Imekuwa kama vile hakupatapo kuwepo. Lakini huyu Sheikh Suleiman Takadir ndiye aliyekuwa anakwea yeye jukwaa la TANU Mnazi Mmoja kumtambulisha Nyerere kisha ndipo Nyerere anapanda kilingeni kuzungumza na wananchi. Nyerere mwenyewe hadi anaingia kaburini hakupata kumtaja Sheikh Suleiman Takadir. 

Msomaji,

Barza ilikuwa kama imemwagiwa maji wote kimya. Nikawahadithia kisa cha marehemu Sheikh Kassim Juma. 

Kama nilivyokieleza kisa cha Sheikh Suleiman Takadir sitotaka kukuandikieni bali nitanyanyambua kutoka mada niliyowasilisha Chuo Kikuu cha Kenyatta kuhusu Sheikh Kassim (''Al Marhum Sheikh Kassim   bin Juma  (1940 – 1994)  and the Dar es Salaam Pork Riots of 1993'').

''Sheikh Kassim has never publicly spoken how he was incorporated by Nyerere into the EAMWS ‘crisis’ of 1968 and the only published work on the crisis[1] has never revealed his actual role in the dismembering of the organisation. It is public knowledge however that there was a group of prominent Muslims some in the party like Sheikh Abdallah Iddi Chaurembo, Rajab Diwani and Selemani Kitundu including some Muslims in the State Intelligence led by the late Rashid Kayugwa[2] who were involved in fanning the crisis.  The crisis ensued threw Muslims in East Africa in a disarray unprecedented in their entire history. The crisis culminated in resignation of the Aga Khan as patron of the EAMWS, the banning of the organisation by order of the president, detention of some sheikhs and other Muslim notables, the scrapping of development projects in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda including the formation of the Muslim University in Dar es Salaam and the formation of National Muslim Council of Tanzania known by its Swahili acronym as BAKWATA. But the biggest blow of them all to Muslims was the deportation to Zanzibar of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir the Mufti of Tanzania. Nyerere could not detain Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, the top most leader of Muslims, the only option open to him was deportation back to Zanzibar his home country.    

Consequently the state machinery put Sheikh Kassim Juma on focus and lime light turning him into a ‘national sheikh’ of sorts, considered by all and sundry as government as well as Muslim mouth-piece in all affairs concerning Islam.  Overtime his face became familiar in the print media and his voice recognisable in the only radio station. Nyerere put the government owned and controlled mass media including the state radio at the disposal of Sheikh Kassim for propaganda purposes. It was common to hear the voice of Sheikh Kassim delivering a khutba in the radio or see his photograph in the papers sitting at the high table with state leaders and other dignitaries. The media portrayed the young Sheikh Kassim as a progressive Muslim scholar capable to represent Muslim interests than the decadent and over spent sheikhs in the EAMWS, Daawat Islamyya and TANU Elders Council...''

''...Sheikh Kassim convinced that President Mwinyi as well as other Muslim ministers were targets for attack because of their  faith and nothing else, stood up to defend Mwinyi's presidency. Not having the instrument of power under his full control because the Christian dominated bureaucracy had their allegiance elsewhere, President Mwinyi could not influence public opinion nor could he control the state administrative machinery. For the first time Sheikh Kassim's oratory skills which two decades ago were placed at the disposal of Nyerere, were now put to defend not only President Mwinyi but Islam as well and to publicly attack Nyerere. Sheikh Kassim's Friday khutba changed assuming militant posture full of political rhetoric attacking the press and Christians whom he accused of undermining Mwinyi's rule simply because the Church could not stand a Muslim head of state. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma in broad day light and with loud speakers blaring full blast at his Mtoro Mosque more than once mentioned Julius Nyerere, the former president, by name as an enemy of Islam...''

Sasa nini ulikuwa mwisho wa Sheikh Kassim?

''Muslims were thrilled by Sheikh Kassim's khutbas and his sudden change against the establishment and Nyerere, his former benefactor.  Muslims in thousands now thronged the Mtoro Mosque to come and listen to Sheikh Kassim's Friday khutbas. Mtoro Mosque overnight became the centre of resistance against forces opposing Mwinyi's rule. Sheikh Kassim called upon Muslims to rise up and over-throw the Christian dominated government which had oppressed them since independence. Sheikh Kassim's khutbas were recorded in cassettes and distributed by the Ansar Sunna movement throughout the country. It was at this stage that Nyerere summoned Sheikh Kassim to his residence and asked him why he was reviling his name. In a tense encounter my informant told me that Sheikh Kassim told Nyerere point blank that he was not insulting him but speaking the truth. The die was cast. A reason had to be found to clip the wings of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma and that came in the form of the pork riots of 1993 on a Good Friday in April 1993. Sheikh Kassim was now a Frankenstein out to kill his master who made him.

President Mwinyi who was in Zanzibar on official engagement unwisely and driven by the fear that the country was moving towards the dreaded clash between Muslims and Christians, issued a hurried condemnation of the attack and ordered that all those responsible for the attack should be made to feel the full weight of state power. By that statement a simple case of few frustrated young Muslims hotheads driven to action by insensitivity of the government to genuine grievances, was blown out of proportion into a national crisis. The government and party media including the state radio warned of the dangers of ‘Muslim fundamentalists in Tanzania.’ The Christian lobby saw in Mwinyi's statement a blank cheque to crash all Muslims it considered dangerous to their interests. The Prime Minister and Vice-President John Malecela issued a strong statement condemning the attack. [15]In an interview with the BBC Swahili Service, Malecela referred to the imams and other Muslims who were arrested as a result of the pork conflict as ‘hooligans whose aim is to acquire power through religion.’ 

The Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Augustine Mrema, issued a statement saying that he was convinced the act was precipitated by an outside Muslim power to destabilise the country. The Secretary General of the CCM Horace Kolimba giving the position of the party said that those who attacked the butcheries were not Muslims but hooligans whose aim was to overthrow the government. It was not explained how unarmed ‘imam hooligans’ could overthrow a government. A total of 40 Muslims activists including Muslim Bible scholars were arrested. Among those arrested was Salum Khamis the Chairman of Baraza Kuu (a rival Muslim organisation formed by Muslims to counter BAKWATA), Sheikh Yahya Hussein Chairman of BALUKTA (Tanzania Council of Qur’an Reading) and Sheikh Salum Rajab leader of the Ansar.  Sheikh Salum Rajab was arrested on charges of bomb making. The news of the arrests of Muslims by the state security agents triggered Muslim anger.

What followed on Easter Monday was unprecedented in the history of Tanzania. After the arrests of the imams the previous day at the Central Police, Muslims from all corners of Dares Salaam assembled at the Mtoro Mosque to discuss their next step. Muslims were informed that Sheikh Kassim bin Juma who was in Arusha enroute to Nairobi for medical treatment was also arrested on orders of Augustine Mrema the Minister of Home Affairs. It was at the Mtoro Mosque with rain falling that Muslim in thousands chanting Allahu Akbar began to march towards Central Police Station where thirteen imams were detained to demand their release.  Muslims were out into the streets to demonstrate and register their anger against the Christian dominated government. For the first time since independence riot police in full battle gear clashed with Muslims in the streets and further arrests were made. Muslims totaling 70 were remanded at Ukonga Prison... 

After several appearances the case being on mention the charge was withdrawn and Sheikh Kassim was set free after the court ruled out that his arrest and remand was unlawful. Out of remand prison, Sheikh Kassim continued to inspire Muslims in their demand for equal power sharing with Christians in all centres of authority and re-examined his relationship with President Mwinyi. Sheikh Kassim was arrested and charged once again as previously. On his second arrest security in broad daylight officers went to Mtoro Mosque to arrest Sheikh Kassim in the sight of his followers. Soon after Sheikh Kassim was released and charges withdrawn as before.

...out of prison for the second time those close to him could not fail to notice that his health was failing. With his health failing Sheikh Kassim continued to inspire and mobilise Muslims with the same zeal. The establishment and the political system he had served for almost half of his adult life now alienated sheikh Kassim bin Juma treating him as a renegade. At this juncture Sheikh Kassims khutbas were melancholy and sad at times mentioning the names of Muslim patriots who had supported Nyerere during the struggle for independence but their roles have not been requited. He also mentioned Muslims who have betrayed fellow Muslims selling themselves to the government.  In one of his memorable and most popular Jumaa khutba which his supporters have labelled as Leo Nitataja Majina (Today I Will Mention Names) Sheikh Kassim bin Juma talked about the patriotism of the late Abdulwahid Sykes and his support to Nyerere and TANU. He told his audience how upon the death of Abdulwahid he was asked by the family to prepare his body for burial which he did together with Maalim Matar. Maalim Matar was a victim of the Detention Act and was detained.  Maalim Matar was in no way involved in politics. He was known in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar for his piety and love of the Prophet SAW and for teaching Qur’an. In any Maulid he attended Maalim Matar would be given the honour recite the fathah signalling the beginning of Maulid.  Maalim Matar was a sufi and a very likeable character. He always carried a tasbih for dhikr. He never indulged himself in politics but was nevertheless detained by Nyerere seemingly for no apparent reason.

The mention of Maalim Matar was therefore not without meaning. Sheikh Kassim was in the game for too long not to have known that his khutbas were being monitored and Nyerere was listening in. Sheikh Kassim wanted purposely to embarrass Nyerere. Nyerere after being in full control of the country he severed his tie with Abdulwahid Sykes and other patriots who founded TANU. Nyerere did not want to recognise nor honour the contribution of Sykes in the founding of TANU although the party can be traced from his father who was the founding secretary of the African Association the predecessor of TANU. Sheikh Kassim was in other words defying Nyerere. Sheikh Kassim knew Nyerere’s psychology. The mention of Abdulwahid associating his name with Nyerere’s rise to power was like a sword piercing through Nyerere’s heart. Nyerere never mentioned the patriots who were in politics before him because he wanted the people to adore him and him alone as the founding father. It was clear that Sheikh Kassim was exposing him to Muslims as a swindler and an ungrateful guest who after enjoying the hospitality of his host spit on his face. In the last days of his life Sheikh Kassim was a person tormented and in deep anguish. His mind was reflecting of where he had come from and needed to undo certain memories. Sheikh Kassim knew he had dented the government and Nyerere's reputation and confidence before the eyes of Muslims. Sheikh Kassim bin Juma had built a very strong case against Nyerere, Church and government.

It was during this time that Sheikh Kassim's health deteriorating drastically was admitted into a mission hospital. The press could not resist the innuendo reporting that Sheikh Kassim was admitted in mission hospital in Dar es Salaam. The insinuation was there for all to see. Sheikh Kassim did not publicly reveal what actually happened to him when he was under police custody.  Sheikh Kassim was discharged and went to Mombasa where he died on 15 January, 1994. It was only after his death that a Swahili weekly paper Baraza reported that Sheikh Kassim was refused medical attention while under police custody. The paper accused the Minister of Home Affairs Augustine Mrema for causing the death of Sheikh Kassim. The government acted swiftly, the issue was rounded up in a single swoop and the newspaper banned.

Muslims in Dar es Salaam gave Sheikh Kassim funeral which will remain in their memory for many years to come. Just as they had for the last two years flocked his Mtoro Mosque to listen to his inspiring khutbas, so in thousands they came to morn his death. The government was fully represented at the funeral. President Mwinyi and the Prime Minister John Malecela came to be with Sheikh Kassim in his last journey. Nyerere was absent. Realising the political benefits to be reaped on Sheikh Kassim's funeral the state propaganda machinery was put into full gear. Muslims, Sheikh Kassim's friends and relatives were hushed and pushed back and propagandists hijacked the funeral turning it into a semi-state function. Conspicuously absent from the funeral were Christian cabinet Ministers and Augustine Mrema, the powerful Minister of Home Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister who had vowed to crush all ‘Muslims Fundamentalists’ in Tanzania.

Sheikh Kassim could have risen to greatness even without the support of Nyerere or state machinery because he had charisma. But Nyerere could not have succeeded in his plans to ban the EAMWS, arrest and detain his Muslims ‘enemies,’ deport Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir without the support of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma...''

Huyo ndiyo Sheikh Kassim ambae hapana mfanoe katika masheikh vijana waliopata kuwapo Dar es Salaam. Sheikh Jongo hataweza hata siku moja kumfikia marehemu Sheikh Kassim kwa kila kitu si kwa ilm wala kwa ujanja. Sheikh Jongo hajaweza kujipendekeza wala kuitumikia serikali kama alivyofanya Sheikh Kassim Juma lakini ambacho Jongo atahitaji kukitazama ni upi ulikuwa mwisho wa Sheikh Kassim?

In Sha Allah nafasi ikipatikana nitakiandika kisa cha Sheikh Hashir, sheikh aliyewaambia Waingereza kuwa wanaweza kufukua makaburi kujenga barabara iliyokuja kujulikana kama Donald Cameron na baadae United Nations na vipi Mohamed Jumbe Tambaza alivyosimama kidete kumpinga na kutafuta msaada kutoka Unguja kwa Sheikh Abdallah Saleh Farsy...

Jongo ana mengi ya kujifunza kutoka kwa masheikh hawa waliopita.
Jongo ana mengi ya kujifunza kutoka kwa hao aliowaita ''wazee wake.''

Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Abdul Sykes alivyompenda Nyerere.
Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Ally Sykes alivyompenda Nyerere.
Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Dossa Aziz alivyompenda Nyerere.
Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Sheikh Hassan bin Amir alivyompenda Nyerere.
Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Mshume Kiyate alivyompenda Nyerere.
Jongo hawezi kumpenda Nyerere kama Sheikh Suleiman Takadir alivyompenda Nyerere.
Waliompenda Nyerere hata ukiwatia moto huwamalizi.

Kushoto Kwenda Kulia: Dossa Aziz, Julius Nyerere, Abdul Sykes na Lawi Sijaona
Ukumbi wa Arnautoglo Kwenye dhifa ya Kumuaga Nyerere Kwenda UNO safari ya pili 1957

Hii Picha Ilipigwa Siku ya Nyerere Alipoweka Jiwe la Msingi
Chuo Kikuu Cha Waislam, Chang'mbe 1968 Nyerere 
Anapeana Mkono na Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir Katikati yao
ni Tewa Said Tewa Rais wa EAMWS Tawi la Tanganyika

Katika wajumbe Waliohudhuria Mkutano Huu wa Kwanza wa TANU mwaka 1955 Ukumbi wa Hindu Mandal
Dar es Salaam walikuwa Salum Mpunga na Ali Mnjale kutoka Lindi Hawa ndiyo walikuwa
Waasisi wa TANU Jimbo la Kusini. Historia haiwatambui.

Mzee Mshume Kiyate Akimvisha Mwalimu Nyerere
Kitambi kama ishara ya kuungwa mkono na Wazee wa Dar es Salaa
Baada ya Maasi ya Wanajeshi wa Tanganyika Rifles (TR) tarehe
20 Januari 1964. Jiji likegoma kuupa Mtaa aliokuwa Akiishi Jina lake
kwa Kuogopa Mitaa ya Dar es Salaam kusheheni majina ya Waislam
 waliopigania uhuru ' Mzee Mshume alikuwa Akiishi Mtaa wa Tandamti
Wakati wa Kudai Uhuru Nyerere alikuwa hapungui Nyumbani kwa
Mzee Mshume Kiyate

Mzee ''Kissinger'' siku moja aliniita nyumbani kwake Mtaa wa Congo na akanikabidhi ‘’bango kitita’’ cha magazeti ya zamani. Akatoa moja akanionyesha picha ya Mzee Mshume Kiyate na Nyerere kisha akanipa kisa cha Mzee Mshume, kisa ambacho ni hiki hapo chini:

Julius Nyerere alianza siasa za kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika katika mazingira ya Dar es Salaam akiwa amezungukwa na Uislamu na Waislamu. Kulikuwa na tofauti kubwa kati ya kiongozi huyu na wale aliowaongoza. Siku hizo Nyerere kijana mdogo wa miaka thelathini. Kivazi chake kilikuwa ni kaptula na soksi za stokingi. Mavazi rasmi ya wasomi wa miaka ile ya ukoloni.

Katika TAA aliwakuta vijana wenzake. Marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes na mdogo wake Ally, Waziri Dossa Aziz na wengineo. Halikadhalika walikuwepo vijana wengine kama Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu, Steven Mhando na Zuberi Mtemvu. TANU ilipoundwa mwaka 1954 kukawa na baraza la wazee chini ya Sheikh Suileman Takadir. Baraza hili lilijumuisha wazee wengi maarufu wa mjini na masheikh. Katika hali kama hii ungelidhani kuwa Mwalimu angejihisi yupo ugenini. La hasha, Nyerere alikaa vyema katika kundi la Waswahili na masheikh.

Nyerere siku moja katika kuwakumbuka rafiki zake wa zamani akizungumza na Dossa Aziz, Ahmed Rashad Ali na Lucy Lameck nyumbani kwake Msasani, katika kuelezea kile alichokiita "the TANU spirit" yaani moyo wa upendo wa wana-TANU, alisema kuwa, siku moja wakati wa kudai uhuru alikuwa anatoka nyumbani kwake Magomeni akija Kariakoo kwa miguu kuelekea sokoni kutafuta mahitaji yake, lakini mfukoni alikuwa hana senti moja. Njiani akakutana na Mzee Mshume Kiyate. Alipomuuliza anakwenda wapi, alimfahamisha kuwa anakwenda sokoni lakini hana fedha za kununua chochote. Mzee Mshume aliingiza mkono katika koti lake na akatoa shilingi mia mbili akampa. (Ukitaka kujua thamani ya fedha hizo ikutoshe tu kuwa nyumba ya vyumba sita kujenga Kariakoo ilikuwa inagharimu shilingi mia tano). Kutokana na hali hii Mshume Kiyate aliona itakuwa ni kumtwisha Mwalimu mzigo mzito ikiwa atakuwa anashughulika na kuwatafutia wanawe chakula na wakati huo huo anafanya kazi za TANU. Mzee Mshume akajitolea kuihudumia nyumba ya Mwalimu kwa chakula. Alifanya hivyo hadi uhuru ulipopatikana.

Baada ya uhuru Nyerere alimwomba Mzee Mshume aache kufanya hivyo lakini alikataa na akamtafadhalisha Nyerere aendelee kula chakula chake na kile ambacho kinatolewa na serikali kwake yeye kama mkuu wa nchi alimuomba Nyerere awape wageni wake. Baada ya maasi ya wanajeshi wa KAR tarehe 20 Januari, 1964 kuzimwa na jeshi la Kiingereza, TANU ilifanya mkutano mkubwa sana Jangwani. Mzee Mshume kwa niaba ya wazee wa TANU alipanda jukwaani na kumvisha Mwalimu kilemba kama ishara ya kuunga mkono uongozi wake. Mzee Kiyate amefariki dunia si Nyerere wala TANU walikuwa na habarinae. Kafa peke yake na mazishi yake yakafanyika nyumbani kwa ndugu yake Mtaa wa Matumbi. Huyu nduguye ndiye alikuwa mwazini wa Msikiti wa Shadhily na kwa ajili hii waliotoka kuja kumzika walikuwa nduguze Waislam. Hapakuwa na hotuba wala bendera kufunika jeneza lake. Hadi leo historia ya mchango wa Mshume Kiyate katika kuupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika haujathaminiwa.

Mzee ''Kissinger''

Waliokuwa Katika Picha Hii na Ndilo lilikuwa Baraza la Wazee wa TANU
(Wengine: Hawapo)

1. Abdallah Shomari (Tandamti No. 3)
2. Nassoro Kalumbanya (Simba)
3. Said Chamwenyewe (Aggrey/Congo)
4. Mtoro Ally (Muhonda)
5. John Rupia (Misheni Kota)
6. Julius Nyerere (Minaki Sekondari)
7. Said Chaurembo (Congo/Mkunguni)
8. Jumbe Tambaza (Upanga)
9. Sheikh Suleiman Takadir (Mafia/Swahili)
10. Dossa Aziz (Mbaruku/Somali Kipande)
11. Mshume Kiyate (Tandamti)
12. Juma Sultani (Kitchwele Karibu na Kanisa Dogo)
13. Maalim Shubeti (Masasi/Likoma)
14. Rajab Simba (Kiungani)
15. Waziri Mtonga (Kilosa 18, Ilala)
16. Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi (Mwananyamala)
17. Makisi Mbwana (Aggrey/Congo)
18. Usia Omari (Sungwi, Kisarawe)
19. Sheikh Issa Nasir (Bagamoyo)

Hivi ni wazee hao hapo juu ambao Jongo kawakusudia aliposema walikuwa na Nyerere au ni wengine? Hawa ndiyo waliompeleka Nyerere UNO mwaka 1955 na wakamuunga mkono hadi uhuru ukapatikana.

Nini ilikuwa hatma ya wazee hawa?
Nakunyambulia kutoka katika kitabu, ''Maisha na Nyakati za Abdulwahid Sykes...:''

Tarehe 11 Machi, 1963, Kamati Kuu ya TANU iliyokutana Dar es Salaam ilipiga kura kuvunja kamati ya wajumbe kumi na moja ya Baraza la Wazee wa TANU chini ya Mwenyekiti wake Idd Tulio. Wazee walikusanyika katika ukumbi wa Arnautoglo na wakasomewa uamuzi wa Kamati Kuu ya kulivunja Baraza la Wazee. Taarifa ilisema wazee hao ni kero kwa sababu ‘’dini na siasa vilikuwa vitu viwili tofauti na hawa wazee walikuwa wanachanganya dini na siasa.’’ Hiki kilikuwa chombo cha ushauri ambacho wajumbe wake wote walikuwa Waislam; chombo kilichokuwa ndani ya TANU ambacho kilimuunga mkono Nyerere na TANU tangu siku za mwanzo kabisa, kwanza chini ya uongozi wa Sheikh Suleiman Takadir na kisha chini ya Mzee Idd Tulio baada ya kufukuzwa kwa Sheikh Takadir kutoka TANU. Wakati haya yote yakitendeka Kanisa ambalo wakati wa kudai uhuru lilijiweka mbali na halikutoa msaada wowote sasa likawa linanyemelea kujiingiza katika siasa likiwa na agenda yake: kuwaweka viongozi Wakristo katika nafasi za uongozi na kuutoa nje ya uongozi Waislam ambao Kanisa liliwaona ati ''hawana elimu.'' Jumuiya za Kiislam kama Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika na EAMWS zilikuwa sasa zinapigwa vita na serikali ya Nyerere kama vyombo ambavyo havikuwa na umuhimu wowote katika Tanganyika mpya. Katika kumuhakikishia utiifu wao juu yake, Waislam walijitahidi mwisho wa uwezo wao kuziweka taasisi zao kando na chuki za kidini dhidi ya Wakristo. Juhudi hizi hazikuthaminiwa. Serikali ilifanya juhudi za siri kuhakikisha kuwa jumuiya zote za Waislam zinapigwa marufuku.Huu ndiyo ukawa mwanzo wa kampeni za kufuta historia ya Uislam katika TANU na mwisho wa Waislam kuwa na sauti katika siasa baada ya uhuru kupatikana. Baada ya kupatikana kwa uhuru, ile nguvu ya Waislam iliyotumika kupambana na Waingereza kuleta uhuru, ikaonekana haina maana yoyote na haifai kitu tena. Kuvunjwa kwa Baraza la Wazee ndiyo ilikuwa kishiko cha mwisho cha Waislam katika TANU. Baada ya hapo Kanisa lililokuwa pembeni wakati wa kudai uhuru sasa likajitokeza waziwazi kuwapiga vita Waislam katika TANU.

Jongo achukue muda wa kusoma historia ya watu hawa...
Ataelimika pakubwa na atakuwa anapata usingizi wake vizuri sana lakini kubwa hatajifedhehesha tena kwa kumwaga chozi hadharani kama vile kafiwa na mama yake.