Introduction
This
paper will attempt to narrate and at times analyse problems facing Muslims in
Tanzania in their quest to uplift themselves from the lower strata by
equipping themselves with skills which can only be aquired through education.
In this research paper we are introducing a hypothesis which we believe has
not been researched into and therefore has remained hidden much as it has
been in existence since independence - the concept of the power and influence
of the Christianity and its role in the Tanzanian administrative machinery to
counter Islam. This is the Christian lobby. This is an opportunity to see how
the Christian lobby functions. It is a subject worth researching at the
moment since it is one of the clues to the Muslims riddle of stagnation.
Muslim
Education Under Colonialism, 1880s
To
understand the problem of Muslim stagnation in education we need to go back
to the history of Islam and its relation with missionaries and colonialism.
When
colonialists and missionaries set foot in the East African coast then known
as Zanj their main aim was to wipe out Islam. Muslims in the East African
coast had their first glimpse of what Christianity was all about in 1498 with
the arrival of the Portuguese. In 1567 the Augustinian order was established
in the East African coast to counter the influence of Islam so that
Christianity becomes the religion of the whole world. Christianity extended
its influence further when Cardinal Lavigirie founded The White Fathers, the
Catholic institution whose purpose was and still is to confront Islam. About
the same time period Church Missionary Society (CMS) imposed upon itself the
duty to deliver the world from Islam, ignorance and darkness.The White
Fathers are in Tanzania and are still involved in the work which brought them
to the country more than a hundred years ago.
When
the Germans first arrived in Tanganyika they found Muslim already literate,
they could read, write and count. The missionary Ludwig Krapf when he
appeared at the court of Chief Kimweri of the Sambaa in 1848 he found him and
his children literate. They could read and write with ease. The
alphabet in use was the Arabic script. Being educated Muslims were employed
by the German colonial government as teachers, interpreters and
administrators. The institution responsible for all this excellence and
achievement was the madras. Missionaries and colonialists were
envious of the level of educational advancement achieved by Muslims and
therefore initiated plans to subvert its progress.
The
first step taken by the British at the turn of this century was to abrogate
the Arabic script which was in use for many years in favour of the Roman
script. By a stroke of a pen people who were educated were overnight reduced
to illiterates. All these machinations against Muslim were part of a
systematic campaign as provided in article IV of the Berlin Conference of
1884 which stated that Christianity should be safeguarded and given special
preference over Islam. The vacuum created by the abrogation of Muslim
education was filled with missionary education in Tanganyika with the British
colonial government as the overseer. Between 1888-1892 in compliance with
that article as agreed in the Berlin Conference, Imperial British East Africa
Company used political and military force to prop up Christianity in East
Africa. The Church has been making propaganda that it were missionaries who
laid down the first foundation of education in Tanganyika. The truth is that
the missionaries followed the madras education system and the
teachers they employed in their schools were Muslims who were product of
the madras education system. Abel Ishuwi, an educationists
has revealed this fact in his work, Education and Social
Change, (1980).
Realising
the importance of education Muslims initiated their own schools under
colonialism. These came to be known as Muslim schools. Where as missionary
schools were being provided with assistance by the government known as Grant-in-Aid, this
privilege was denied to Muslim schools. Due to this privilege mission schools
were well equipped and could afford well trained teachers. It was therefore
impossible for schools run by Muslims to compete with missionary schools.
Muslims therefore were the most oppressed people by colonialism compared to
other communities. The propaganda being spread far and wide by enemies of
Islam in Tanzania that Muslims do not value education and that is why they
lag behind is false and malicious.
TANU
was committed to justice and equality to all and this was its main doctrine
during the struggle for independence. In 1962 Nyerere as president of the
country realising on the problem of imbalances between different communities
had this to say to the Parliament:
''There is no quick way to cancel out
the present difference between our African and non-African citizens; there is
no easy way to remove the existing disparity in education between Christians
and Muslims, or between the educated few and the majority of our people;
there is no short cut by which the Masai and the Wagogo can become Wahaya and
Wachagga and Wanyakusya.''
This was government’s declaration of intent. It
wanted to assure the people that justice would be done to redress all ills
caused by colonialism. Among the disadvantaged groups were Muslims, Masai, Barabaig,
Wamang’ati and Wahzabe. Even women were among the disadvantaged group.
Nyerere was confirming the fact that colonialism had severely oppressed
certain communities and benefited others in Tanganyika particularly in
education. It was therefore imperative that his government redresses the
anomaly in free Tanganyika. Nyerere chose to issue this statement in
Parliament to give it a force of law.
The
ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) had a deliberate policy of uplifting
communities which due to colonialism were left to stagnate. The government
soon after independence effected policies to develop those tribes. In 1976
TANU having realised that women were disadvantaged just like Muslims and
other tribes passed a resolution which favoured them in university
admission. TANU Central Committee supported the proposal and the
National Executive Committee endorsed it. This was positive discrimination.
The party was discriminating men in favour of women so that they too progress
with the rest of the population but did nothing to elevate Muslims.
The
problem would come only when Muslims would demand consideration from the
government because of their stagnation in education. But to understand the
politics of Muslim education in Tanzania we need to go back again to modern
history of Tanzania, to the first decade of independence and meet a Pakistan
national, a scholar influenced by Abu Ala Maudud, Dr. Muhammad Hussein Malik.
It was Dr. Malik’s students who for the first time in 1981 alerted Muslims
and other citizens in Tanzania that the Church through the Ministry of
Education was impeding Muslim youths from admission into institutions of
higher learning and called upon the government to rectify the anomaly.
The
Legacy of Dr. Muhammad Hussein Malik, 1970s
Dr.
Hussein Malik came to Tanzania from Pakistan in 1970s as an expatriate
teacher of mathematics employed by the government. It is the irony of history
that Prof. Malik was to be brought into the country by the government because
had the Christian lobby dominating the government known the influence which
he would have to have upon Muslims particularly the young generation surely
they would not have given him a contract to serve in the country. After
completion of his contract with the government Dr. Malik was employed by
BAKWATA. Apart from teaching mathematics he also volunteered to teach Islamic
studies to all secondary schools of Dar es Salaam and surrounding areas.
Dr.
Malik taught Islamic knowledge in a way that no other scholar had done before
him in Tanzania. There was a distinct system of teaching Islamics pursued by
all sheikhs in East Africa. The tradition was to take student are taken
through the basics, first learning the Qur'an and fikh. No
attempt was made to intertwine the teaching in the Islamic history with the
reality of social and political issues of the day as they affected Muslims in
particular and the society in general. Most of the students and the sheikhs
had barely gone beyond lower primary school. Due to inferior secular
education of both teacher and student they could not articulate and translate
the teachings beyond what had been recited in the basics. They found world
issues alien to them and unrelated to their predicament. The Christian lobby
realising the potent force of Islam went out of its way to ensure that Islam
was kept far away from politics. The ulamaa in Tanzania
therefore become very much removed from politics. Those who had ventured into
politics much as to critisize the government were detained, ostracized or
declared prohibited immigrants if they happen not to be indigenous. Dr.
Malik did not adhere to this school of thought.
It
was through the teaching of Prof. Malik that Muslims particularly the new
generation came to understand itself and be aware of the anti-Muslim force against
Islam. Malik made the young Muslims understand the purpose of their creation
and the high value of absolute integrity in Islam which leave no room for one
class to oppress another. Not only that but even to allow yourself to be
oppressed is a sin. Through such teachings and drawing parallels from the
Holy Qur’an and the traditions (hadith) of the Prophet, Peace be Upon Him,
the young men began to look at the Tanzanian society in context of equality
and justice.
Dr.
Malik began first by helping his students overcome the inferiority complex
which was a result of colonial propaganda and histories taught in schools.
Muslims students were taught of scientific achievement and accomplishment of
Muslim scholars of the past and present. Dr. Malik taught his students about
exploits and achievements of Muslims scientists and scholars. He taught a
contrasting history of Islam as a religion which did not begin with Muhammad
(Peace be Upon Him), but with Adam. Dr. Malik taught his way down to the time
of Jesus and the Jews emphasising of the fact that Jesus like Muhammad was a
Muslim. His most interesting and captivating topic was the history of the
Jews how they turned religion into nationality and vice-versa. He concluded
his course of study by showing the imprecision in Christianity.
Prof.
Malik did not oly wipe out colonial histories of Muslims as blood thirsty,
raving through Spain on horse backs with swords blazing killing and forcing
Christians to embrace Islam but taught also his student the meaning of jihad and
its value; and what it can achieve to an individual, and to a people under
subjugation. He taught his students the value of education and to consider
education in whatever its form as their top priority and should not fall into
the trap of demarcating between secular and religious knowledge because all
source of knowledge is one and has importance.
Previously
it was not common for student who take Islamic knowledge seriously. Dr. Malik
was able to teach the subject in such a way that the subject was interesting
and was always adding knew knowledge. His students looked forward to his
classes. In a period of ten years Dr. Malik was able to mould a strong
following of disciplined and committed young men who began to see the
injustices committed to Muslims in the Tanzanian society. Dr. Malik's
teachings went beyond schools, he made rounds in mosques to lecture on
different topics with his students interpreting for him. Once free of complex
and armed with the teachings of correct version of Islam as a superior
culture to any other, Dr. Malik laid a heavy burden to his students that they
have an obligation to change the society and restore back the honour denied
to Islam and Muslims not only in Tanzania but throughout the world. His
students in turn now began to hold classes in different schools and mosques.
The effect was noticeable.
These
young Muslims, a product of post independence conflict between Islam and
Christianity in the struggle for power were a different crop. They kept away
from alcohol and all vices common to the urbanised educated young aspiring
middle class with white collar jobs. This was an unprecedented experience. It
had been the norm in the past for educated Muslims to distance themselves
from Islamic culture and all that which goes with it. A portrayal of an
educated Muslim was not that of a person who established regular prayers and
behaves the way a Muslim is supposed to. It was a picture of an African
aspiring to be westernised and "modern", a liberated person from
the "archaic" culture of former slave masters- the Arabs. Colonial
propaganda wanted people to believe that Islam was synonymous to Arabic
culture. This transformation appealed to many young man. The early years of
1970s saw many people particularly the young increasingly turning to Islam as
a complete way of life.
This
nucleus of young men around Dr. Malik with the support of a small group of
Muslims began to see the world and the Tanzanian society in different light.
They began to mobilise Muslims to fight for their rights. This created into
Muslims a new sense of hope, purpose and direction. Dr. Malik used to tell
his students, ‘educate the people on their rights and they will fight for
them on their own. Fight for peoples' right while they are ignorant of their
rights, the people will fight you back.’
Dr.
Malik’s influence in the psyche of young Muslims intellectuals who were close
to him and received his teachings will come to have a lasting influence in
them and would come to initiate a strong movement to counter Christian hegemony
in Tanzania. These young men would mobilise Muslims as a distinct people
living under subjugation. This gradually came to change the political
foundation laid by Nyerere and Muslims would defy the status quo and Muslims
would seize to be a people ignored by the government. The Muslim question
would be on the agenda manifesting itself in many forms.
These
young men having finished their tutorial under Prof. Malik began to see issue
in the country in a different light. Between 1970 - 1980 students of Prof.
Malik began to provide leadership to Muslim organisations. They harboured the
desire to initiate a political movement in Mainland Tanzania graced by Muslim
sentiments to free Muslims from the bondage of Christian dominance. It was in
their view that a movement similar to the independence struggle initiated by
Muslims patriots in 1950s which ousted the British from Tanzania should be
organised. But this time the struggle had to be different. This movement
instead of pursuing the nationalist-secularist ideology articulated by Muslim
founders of the independence movement should strive to adopt in the new
movement, Islam as the ideology of genuine freedom. The decision to this
change of strategy was that secularism had failed Muslims in the political
system of Tanzania.
These
were by any standards very radical thoughts. But however radical as they
might have seemed, the teachings received support and very attentive ears.
Most of those who harboured this thought were young graduates who had
experienced the discrimination particularly against educated Muslims by the
Christian lobby which saw in these young educated Muslims a threat to the
future of Christianity in the country. The correst history of the struggle
for independence began to be researched and written afresh. Names of Muslim
patriots long held in obscure by the Christian lobby were unearthed. There
was also another factor which came to act as a catalyst to Muslim sentiments
in Tanzania-the Muslim revolution in Iran.
Before
the Iranian revolution of Iran in 1979 Islam as an ideology had long lost its
power and influence. It was an ideology groping in the dark with Saudi Arabia
which was supposed to be the mirror of the Muslim world firmly under the
influence and guidance of the United States of America. The photographs of
people in demonstrating in the streets of Teheran standing up to the United
States and facing death under the bullets of Shah’s army and Muslim activists
hunted by Shah’s secret police, Savak fired the imagination of Muslim
militants the world over. Muslim activists in Tanzania were of no exception.
It proved to them that Islam could defeat any power in the world.
It
happened that by mid 1970s students of Dr. Malik's were passing through
higher institutions of learning including the University of Dar es Salaam
where they became active in student politics in their own style. As students
they learned how the Christian lobby permeates every sector of the Tanzanian
society without exception. The first step to counter the menace was to expose
and educate Muslims about it so that Muslim become aware of its existence and
fight back. They worked on that through mass contact with Muslims throughout
the country. They also started to work on ways to change the leadership in
BAKWATA to transform it from a puppet organisation under the influence of the
Christian lobby to an effective Muslim institution to represent Muslim
interests.
The
person who made this possible was the late Sheikh Mohamed Ali Al-Bukhri then
secretary of BAKWATA. Sheikh Mohamed Ali was the first sheikh in Tanzania to
have studied and obtained a university degree and the second to get any
degree. He had graduated from the University of Dar es Salaam with an LL. B.
The
Leadership of Sheikh Mohamed Ali and Warsha in Bakwata; and Efforts to revive
Muslim Schools, 1981
Strangely
the BAKWATA leadership at the headquarters decided to turn the organisation
into a profit making body. It registered a transportation company and bought
trucks for the business. This became the source of the conflict because
reports were received that BAKWATA trucks were transporting alcohol as part
of its cargo. It did not take long for the leadership of BAKWATA to find
itself engulfed in an internal conflict on important matters of principle.
The late Sheikh Kassim bin Juma who was on the forefront in the denunciation
of the EAMWS in 1968 was this time, on the forefront to condemn the BAKWATA
leadership at the headquarters for un-Islamic practises. The student of Prof.
Malik had by then formed their own organisation - Muslim Writers Workshop
which came to be popularly known as Warsha. For strategic
purposes this organisation operated without registration and no one exactly
knew its leadership with certainty. But from the quality of the papers it
published and distributed to Muslims there was no doubt whatsoever that
authors were highly educated individuals.
In
the conflict Warsha saw the opportunity to extricate from
BAKWATA the puppet leadership imposed by the government upon Muslims at a the
founding conference of the organisation in Iringa in 1968. Since inception of
BAKWATA a good number of Muslims adopted an apathetic attitude towards it. At
that time Warsha's view was that such an attitude was self
defeating. If BAKWATA holds itself as a Muslim organisation then Muslims
should make it serve Muslims interests. With the help of Warsha Sheikh
Mohamed Ali was able to call for fresh elections under a new constitution. A
new educated, progressive and independent leadership came into power. Sheikh
Mohamed Ali had managed to conduct not only a coup de grace against
Chairman Saleh Masasi and his deputy Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo from
leadership but also against President Julius Nyerere who had imposed this
leadership upon Muslims in 1968. The only person who remained from the old
leadership was Adam Nasib. Soon after Warsha members moved
in to occupy different positions in BAKWATA. For the first time since 1968
BAKWATA began to act and behave as a true Muslim organisation. This infused
into Muslims a new sense of hope, purpose and direction.
Once
in BAKWATA Warsha began to implement education programmes
initiated by the EAMWS but were left to die after its demise. Before being
banned by the government the EAMWS had built schools, mosques and a hostel in
Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda as follows:
Muslim projects by the East African
Muslim Welfare Society by 1968
Source:
Research Data
Warsha turned four
schools built by the EAMWS in Tanzania which were under BAKWATA into Muslim
seminaries. These schools were leading in the production of poor school
results and were leading in everything compatible with decency. It was a
shame that these schools were under and carried the name of Islam. In order
to inculcate into the students high virtues of Islam, Qur'an and Islamic
Knowledge was introduced as compulsory study subjects to Muslims students. A
new recruitment of staff was carried out with Warsha members
monopolising most of the all teaching posts. Previous to the Warsha take-over
of the schools, the schools were enrolling Christians as students. It was
decided that from there on the schools would only accept Muslims. Within a
short period of time, discipline was restored into the schools and it was
compulsory for students to observe prayers and for girls to dress in hijab.
Since
the demise of the EAMWS which published EAMWS Newsletter Muslims
did not have a mouth-piece of their own. For the first time Muslims were able
to have their own mouth-piece. Warsha helped BAKWATA to
register a newspaper Muislam with Warsha forming
the editorial board. Warsha's stand was that if Christians had
two papers, Lengo and Kiongozi there was no
reason for the government to bar Muslims from owning their own paper. Warsha also
took over the weekly radio programme on Fridays on the state radio. Warsha reduced
the playing of kasda and dhikr to broadcast programmes which
carried a special message to Muslims. Warsha urged not to
listen to recitation of the Holy Qur’an as if it music but to understand and
obey its message. Warsha had by then written books which
were published in Kenya by Islamic Foundation, these books were very popular
and came to be taken by Muslims as reference books for understanding Islam in
the Christian surroundings and the political system which existed in
Tanzania.
Warsha under BAKWATA
then conducted a social research project which no Muslim organisation had
attempted before. It commissioned its educationists to research and write a
paper to show why Muslim students were lagging behind in education. It is
important to get a glimpse of those findings:
Table
1
Selection
of Std.VII Pupils to Form I in Dar es Salaam Region 1978 -1981
Source: Dar es Salaam City
Council, Department of Education.
NB:
In 1967 census Muslims in Dar es Salaam Region were 67%, therefore the number
of Muslim students in Dar es Salaam Primary Schools is greater than that of
Christians. This should have reflected in the selection.
Table
2
Religious
Distribution University of Dar es Salaam 1971/72-1973/74
*
Official Statistics not available
**
Students selected for Faculty of Agriculture, Forestry and Veterinary Science
and medicine not included.
Source: 1969/70-1978/79
University of Dar es Salaam Students Directory.
1979/80-1981/82 Daily
News June 1979/1981.
Table
3
Religious
Distribution of University Admission 1971/72 -1973/74
Source: University of
Dar es Salaam Student Directory
Table
4
Christian
Seminary Secondary Schools 1980
Source: Ministry of National
Education, Dar es Salaam.
When
these s findings were made public and distributed to Muslims throughout the
country and to the general public it came as a shock to both Muslims and the
government. For the first time it was revealed that there was a system in the
Ministry of Education supported by Christian functionaries which was
discriminatory to Muslim youths, purposely barring them from institutions of
higher learning. The government was flouting the cherished creed of religious
tolerance and non discrimination of its citizens on religion.
Such
accusations and disclosure, and particularly coming from Muslims, threatened
national unity. The government did not want to find out whether those
findings on education were correct or not. Its interests was to know the
brains behind Warsha isolate them from Muslims and then
persecute them. The government was unprepared for such revelations and was
worried by the direction which BAKWATA was taking. BAKWATA was now serving
the cause of Islam. This was not what President Nyerere had bargained for
when he subverted the EAMWS and helped to found BAKWATA. Sheikh Mohamed Ali
as secretary of BAKWATA was taken to task for allowing the organisations to
be hijacked by ‘’hot headed youths.’’ Warsha were accused of
being anti-government and perpetrating animosity between Muslims and
Christians through their writings. Nyerere ordered Aboud Jumbe to close all
Muslim seminaries.
The
Banning of Muslim Seminaries by the Government and expulsion of Dr. Muhammad
Hussein Malik, 1981
A
meeting between Aboud Jumbe and BAKWATA was held at Jumbe’s official
residence at Laibon Road. In attendance were Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, Adam
Nasibu, Sheikh Mohamed Ali and Sheikh Abbas Makbul, a representative of Darul
Iftar. The stand of Sheikh Mohamed Ali was that if those Muslim
seminaries have to be closed then the decision to take that step should be
laid upon the government. This was a difficult step to be taken by the
government as such an act would provoke Muslims. The meeting left the decision
to close the seminaries upon BAKWATA. BAKWATA took unilateral decision and
reverted the schools back to its original state. Warsha not
endorsing BAKWATA’s decision called a meeting of all Muslims to discuss the
problem. The Christian lobby used its powers and a crisis was fomented. The
government issued a directive to reinstate the schools taken over by Warsha to
their former secular status, that is, any Tanzania irrespective of faith
should have access to them. The government accused Warsha of
trying to divide the society along religious lines. The Christian lobby
through the state-radio issued a warning that the meeting was illegal. Anyone
attending that meeting would be arrested. This announcement was read by the
Director of Radio Tanzania, David Wakati. A crack squad from Oyster Bay
police was sent to the school to stop the meeting and intimidate Muslim
parents who had assembled to discuss the future of the school. Leading the
squad was a Muslim officer one, Msafiri Himba. This is how the Christian
lobby operates. It sets Muslims upon Muslims.
The
government saw the two Muslim seminaries which were established less than a
year as divisive but turned a blind eye to 19 Christian seminaries which were
in existence for almost a hundred years.
Adam
Nasibu meanwhile in connive with of the government traveled to Moshi and the
reason he gave to BAKWATA headquarters was that he was going to Kilimanjaro
Christian Medical Centre (KCMC) for treatment. But that was not the reason.
Once in Moshi with the help of Sheikh Senare the BAKWATA chairman in
Kilimanjaro and the late Sheikh Jambeni from Tanga and other few hand
picked BAKWATA members he called a secret meeting the agenda being how to
oust Sheikh Mohamed Ali from leadership. It was decided by conspirators that
a special meeting should be called in Dar es Salaam immediately to discuss
what had transpired in BAKWATA since the banning of Muslim seminaries. The
government put at its disposal its manpower and sources to make the meeting a
success. Members of the BAKWATA Central Committee were sent invitations
through police message. A vast country like Tanzania communication is not
easy. This type of transmission is usually used by the government for urgent
messages because of its efficiency. But this kind of message has another use
in third world countries were authoritarian regimes are the order of the day,
a police message is no ordinary message it frightens the receiver.
Sheikh
Mohamed Ali was accused of flouting the BAKWATA constitution, conducting
elections under an invalid constitution and in collaboration with Warsha,
for "mixing religion with politics." Sheikh Mohamed Ali was
therefore expelled from BAKWATA and Warshabanned. But it was not
possible to ban Warsha because the organisation was not in
the first place registered. It was not therefore possible to ban an entity
which did not exist because Warsha was not officially
registered with the Registrar of Societies. The statement that Warsha is
a prohibited by the government from indulging in anything which has to do
with Muslims of Tanzania did not affect its activities in any way.
The
government gave the transfer of power in BAKWATA special significance by
publishing the changes in its daily paper. Warsha's mentor, Dr.
Malik was declared a prohibited immigrant by the government and was required
to leave the country within twenty four hours. His students advised him to go
to Zanzibar to wait and plan his next move. Dr. Malik was received on Aboud
Jumbe's orders while his students sorted out certain issues for him, and
packed his belongings in the mainland. Arrangements were made and Dr. Malik
went to Nairobi where he was employed by Islamic Foundation. But before he
left Dr. Malik told his students that BAKWATA were late in asking the
government to deport him, he had alhamdulilah already
accomplished his work. Indeed Dr. Malik had accomplished his work. The
Muslims were aware of machinations against them and the struggle against
Christian hegemony in Tanzania had passed to a different flock of Muslims. In
the coming years students of Prof. Malik formed other powerful organisations
which exist up to now.
During
Maulid celebrations of 1982 in Tabora, Adam Nasib in the presence of the
Vice-President, Rashid Kawawa through the state radio warned the government
of enemies who had invaded the country, meaning Dr. Malik, Sheikh Mohamed Ali
and Warsha. The Maulid celebrations were used by the government
and BAKWATA to try to diffuse the situation by issuing statements
condemning Warsha and white washing the government. Warsha had
overtime managed to establish centres in certain areas of the country, Tabora
being one of them. Warsha distributed statements from Tabora giving the
Muslim position on the issue of Muslim seminaries.
Muslims
were sympathetic to Warsha and took Warsha's
struggle as their own struggle. Muslims helped Warsha to
establish a school, Masjid Quba and Islamic Centre which was
owned and managed by them. In retaliation to these effort the government
refused to register the school. The school was perceived by the government as
a centre of "Muslim fundamentalism." The government went further to
subvert the school by warning Muslim parents that students completing their
education at Masjid Quba would not be recognised by it and would not be considered
for further education or for employment. Warsha was not to
be deterred they decided to run the school and educate Muslim children even
without government registration. The school being perceived as a centre of
Muslim militancy remained blacklisted by the government until 1988 when Prof.
Malima as the first Muslim Minister of Education registered it. Members
of Warsha used to say that they have their consent from Allah, they
don’t need any permission from anyone. This was Warsha's motto.
Marginalisation of Muslims in the Ministry of Education and the Changes
Effected by Prof. Kighoma Ali Malima, 1987
With
time the problem of Muslim education waned as other Muslim issues took over
public interest. But to the enlightened Muslims the problem remained
simmering below the surface only to be brought back to life by Prof. Kighoma
Malima in 1987.
In
1987 Prof. Malima became the first Muslim Minister of Education. This
ministry had consistently been under a Christian minister since independence
in 1961. There were accusations that the ministry was a Christian stronghold
particularly when at one time a pastor was appointed minister to head the
ministry. When Professor Malima became minister of education he thought it
was imperative that some changes be effected in the ministry to win back the
confidence of Muslims. There were accusations that the ministry was
discriminating against Muslim youths barring them from higher institutions of
learning and was frustrating career advancement of Muslims functionaries in
the ministry.
Table
5
University
of Dar es Salaam Student Enrollment
Source:
Research Data
Table
6
Muslim
and Christian Appointments in the Ministry of Education 1961-1989
Source:
Research Data
Prof. Malima found out that professionalism and objective decision making had
long been forgotten in the ministry. Examinations were marked using
candidates actual names instead of numbers as is the norm the world over.
This created an environment in which it was easy for Christian candidates to
be favoured. Prof. Malima also found that Muslim functionaries were barred
from promotions. Prof. Malima had to rectify the discrepancies at the
ministry. First he promoted three Muslims whose promotions were long overdue
after retiring three Christians whose retirement was long overdue. Prof.
Malima also promoted a Muslim to the post of commissioner. This change made
the balance of distribution of top post at the ministry between Muslims and
Christians to stand at 30% to 70% scales still tipping in favour of
Christians.
Yet
inspite of this imbalance Christians in the ministry complained that Prof.
Malima’s promotions were religiously motivated. Prof. Malima found out that
the population of Muslim students in primary school was more than 50% but
they were few in secondary schools. He realised something must be seriously
wrong and he therefore directed that examinations numbers should be used in
marking examinations. After these changes the number of Muslims students
admitted to secondary schools increased by 40%. Prof. Malima fears were
confirmed that there was cheating in the ministry. And that kind of cheating
was worse than ordinary cheating. Those who were playing that kind of game
were poising to put the country in a dangerous path which could cost the
nation dearly.
Prof.
Malima wrote a confidential report to the President on the state of affairs
he had found in the ministry. In that report Prof. Malima mentioned the
stagnation of Muslims and women in education. Prof. Malima warned that if
this problem was not solved it was going to create problems to the country in
the future. Prof. Malima's report got leaked to the press. This letter by
Prof. Malima made him a hero to his own people and a villain to the
establishment and to the most fervent enemies of Islam in Tanzania. There was
panic in the ministry.
It
is said that among those who received the report was the former Vice-President
and Prime Minister Joseph Warioba. It was obvious that Nyerere was monitoring
President Mwinyi in everything he did. To be able to do what he did Nyerere
had to have people deep inside President Mwinyi’s establishment. Nyerere and
Warioba were outraged by the letter and tried to have him sacked from the
government and party in the same style which ousted Jumbe four years earlier.
But this time the issue on the agenda was more sensitive and transparent then
was the case with Aboud Jumbe which was covered by political intrigues.
Muslims were following closely Prof. Malima’s fight against the Christian
bastion with great interest.
Christian
Lobby Persecution Against Prof. Malima
Prof.
Malima had said something which was gnawing Muslims for many years. Muslims
supported him. This support by Muslims increased hatred against him from the
Christian camp. The Christian lobby felt doubly threatened. Already there was
tension between Muslims and Christians. With Prof. Malima heading the
ministry it could not have the free hand it once enjoyed. A campaign of hate
and misinformation against Prof. Malima was unleashed by the press. Prof.
Malima was branded a Muslim 'fundamentalist,' accused of religious
intolerance and excessive partisanship. President Mwinyi instead of directing
the government to investigate the problem of Muslim being purposely denied
opportunities he referred the issue to the Party for discussion. This issue
went before the Party in Dodoma under the chairmanship of Mwalimu Nyerere for
discussion.
The
Christian lobby in the CCM wanted Prof. Malima to be ousted from the party.
Nyerere cunning as he is objected to that decision. He knew that to expel
Prof. Malima for speaking on behalf of Muslims would make him an instant hero
in the eyes of Muslims and if that happens CCM had no means to deal with such
kind of a situation. When the issue went before CCM instead of discussing
Malima's report and find solution to the Muslim stagnation, the victim and
not the perpetrator of the crime was put on trial by the party. The party did
not want to discuss Prof. Malima’s report which centred on Muslim’s
stagnation. CCM was only keen to discuss Prof. Malima. President Mwinyi
succumbed to the powerful Christian lobby.
This
was the first time the Church through the Christian lobby intervened openly
to protest on Muslim appointments. The Christian lobby put forward a proposal
that Prof. Malima be expelled from the CCM. In his defence Prof. Malima stood
to what he had written in his letter to the president. Prof. Malima’s defense
was that never had Muslims questioned promotions of Christians why should the
Church interfere in his appointments and in his report to the president.
Strangely, Nyerere blasted those who were condemned Prof. Malima. He told
them that the Church had its own way for too long and it was high time it
prepared its followers for changes. Nevertheless Nyerere who had become
president behind the president ordered him removed from the Ministry of
Education. Prof. Malima was found to have overstepped the norms built in the
ministry for many years and was therefore relieved of his post and President
Mwinyi appointed the timid late Amrani Mayagila in his place.
This
is how unconsciously Muslims are made to conform with the wishes of the
Christian lobby. If President Mwinyi would have appointed a Christian to
succeed Prof. Malima he would have pulled the carpet under the lobby’s feet.
That act would have given Muslims more fuel to fan the fire against the
Church. But by appointing a weak Muslim to the post he had given the
impression that the ministry was still under a Muslim minister while in fact
it was not. All decisions were done by the lobby as evidenced by the
decisions which were passed to reverse all achievements gained under Prof.
Malima. After the removal of Prof. Malima from the ministry the ministry
reverted back into marking examination using names of candidates instead of
numbers. Muslim student admission to secondary school once again dwindled.
Muslims
who were following Prof. Malima’s "trial" could not tell whether
Mayagila the new Minister of Education was a Muslim or a Christian. It was
only after a lot of inquiries that they came to confirm that Mayagila was
after all and indeed a Muslim. His fellow Muslims in the party and government
were terrified of Nyerere and decided to remain uncommitted to the Muslim
problem, yet privately they admitted that what Prof. Malima was saying was
true. Prof. Malima did not write that report to the president because of
hatred to Christians much as he did not join TANU because he hated the
British. TANU fought for independence because it is the right of all people
to be free from foreign domination. Prof. Malima wrote that report because he
had seen a cherished principle being violated. It is imperative of any
government to do justice to all its citizens. Prof. Malima report and the
decision taken against him had confirmed one thing, that is, Muslims were
second class citizens in their own country. The question was who was
preventing justice to be done and for whose interest?
Having
realised that it was the Church’s pressure on President Mwinyi which
precipitated the decision to remove Prof. Malima from the Ministry of
Education, various Muslim organisations pressed on BAKWATA to prepare a
memorandum to the government on education disparity between Muslims and
Christians and to support Prof. Malima on the issue. This advise was ignored
by BAKWATA. Muslims were enraged by the apathy of BAKWATA and word was passed
around that BAKWATA should be overthrown at whatever cost and by all means to
save Muslims from perpetual bondage. WARSHA sent a petition
to the Speaker of National Assembly to look into Muslim marginalisation in
education. Pamphlet and leaflets were distributed throughout the country
calling upon Muslims to raise against the puppet leadership of BAKWATA even
at the point of defying the government. In avoiding to deal with problems
affecting Muslims BAKWATA had denied its own existence and was losing
credibility fast. BAKWATA soon became emasculated failing to control events
and politics involving Muslims.
Conclusion
This
narration has included episodes which at times seems unconnected with the
main issue. But to understand and comprehend Tanzania’s politics one has to
transcend beyond demarcations. It is only through such exposure that one can
truly grasp issues as they affect Muslims in Tanzania; for in Tanzania
Muslims are facing a lot of intricacies and intrigues. It is only by removing
the veil and take a glimpse of those hiding behind that one can understand
issues of the day. In this way Muslims not only know their friends and
enemies but get to document their tarikh (history) for
feature generation.
The
Grand Mufti of Tanzania Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Tewa Said Tewa and Aziz Khaki
who were president and secretary of the EAMWS respectively were harassed out
of their offices by Julius Nyerere simply because they had initiated plans to
establish a Muslim University with the assistance of Muslim countries. Ever
since the government has subverted any effort for Muslims to develop
educational institutions. When Islamic Conference (OIC) wanted to build a
Muslim University in Tanzania the government refused to issue permit and as a
result the university was built in Mbale, Uganda.
It
is taboo to raise the problem of Muslim education in the government or in the
seating of the ruling party. It is an unwritten law that, that is a no go
area which should never be tackled by anyone irrespective of having a
successive Muslims as ministers of education. The powerful Christian lobby
prefers these days to have a Muslim Minister of Education in the ministry
merely as a show piece. A show piece is a show piece. It has nothing more to
offer other than to decorate and please the eye.
The
article has also proved that there is in place in Tanzania a deliberate
policy by the government to keep Muslims in perpetual bondage by denying them
education. This conspiracy has been existing in Tanzania for more than a
hundred years and is still being practiced and carried out by the Christian
lobby which control the government and all its agencies. And strangely the
Muslim minister of education discussing with fellow Muslims, the injustices
committed to Muslim youth in terms of discrimination in the Ministry of
Education, will privately and in low voice and looking behind his shoulder
admit that he is aware of the problem but he has no authority to exercise his
administrative powers and establish justice.
|
Friday, 3 March 2017
KUMBUKUMBU KUTOKA KATIKA MAKTABA 2003
About Mohamed Said Historia, Siasa na Maendeleo Tanzania
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