Seminar on
Fiftieth
Anniversary of the African Independences
Organised by French Institute for Research in Africa
Nairobi
23th –
24th September 2013
Tanzania: A Nation
without Heroes
Speaker
Mohamed Said
TANZANIA
- A COUNTRY WITHOUT HEROES
By Mohamed Said
 |
Left: Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, Max Mbwana, Julius
Nyerere and Mshume Kiyate
1962 General Election
|
Nyerere:
A Lone Hero of the Struggle for Tanganyika’s Independence
The
heading of the paper is from words which the late Hamza Aziz told me during
discussion about the political history of Tanganyika. Hamza Aziz was a police
officer in the colonial force and one of the TANU informants during the
struggle for Tanganyika’s independence in 1950s passing on information to TANU
top leadership as to what the police was plotting against the party. After
independence Hamza Aziz was made Inspector General of Police (IGP) by Nyerere.
Reflecting on what was the end of his elder brother, [1] the
once rich and flamboyant Dossa Aziz and his contribution to the struggle for
independence, first as a party financier and second as Nyerere’s close
friend, ally and right hand man and retrospectively coming to the painful
reality that his brother died a poor man; and the fact that his brother does
not feature anywhere in Nyerere’s life or in the history of the struggle or in
TANU’s history, the party which he was among the 17 founder members in 1954, he
sadly uttered these words, ‘’Tanzania is a country without heroes. Tanzania has
one hero only and that hero is Julius Kambarage Nyerere.’’
Hamza
Aziz’s sadness could probably among other things be deduced from the fact that
a street near Mbaruku Street where Dossa had lived during the struggle was at
that time recently named after a non entity controversial Muslim politician
Yusuf Makamba who together with a Catholic priest Camillus Luambano were a
source of Muslim killings in the infamous Mwembechai Mosque raid by the
paramilitary in 1998.[2] It was not possible to
understand what compelled the city authorities to honour Yusuf Makamba or what
criteria was applied to immortalise the man who majority of Muslims consider
has Muslim blood in his hands and forget to honour Dossa Aziz after what he did
to the country and to Nyerere. Dossa’s house was among two centres where the
young nationalists used to meet to organise and strategise against the British.
The other place was at Abdulwahid Sykes’s house at Aggrey Street. These two
houses should have been preserved and made national monuments for
posterity.
Little
did Hamza Aziz realise at that time that he was by that sentence reviving sad
memories of all forgotten political actors of the post-World War II era in
Tanganyika. Dossa Aziz died a poor man at Mlandizi a remote village outside Dar
es Salaam. There were no eulogies from the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi
(CCM) at his grave side or obituaries in the party newspapers. Nyerere
his ‘’comrade in arms’’ during the struggle did not even attend his funeral.
Dossa Aziz in his heydays was nicknamed ‘’The Bank’’ because of his
wealth and generosity. He had at that time inherited his father’s construction
business when his father Aziz Ali died in 1951.[3] Dossa
Aziz bankrolled TAA and later TANU and Nyerere with ease until independence was
achieved. Dossa Aziz donated a car to the movement for Nyerere’s personal use.
This was the first mode of transport to be owned by TANU. No one knows the
whereabouts of this vehicle which should have today been preserved and
displayed at the National Museum for all future generations.
On
hindsight Hamza Aziz was a hero himself though his contribution to the struggle
for independence has to date not been requited. Indeed all books written by
local and foreign historians on political history of Tanganyika has focused on
Nyerere alone completely eclipsing other patriots who equally played important
roles in the struggle for independence. [4] Ali
Juma Ponda Hassan Suleiman[5] and Ali Migeyo began
to organise the people in 1940s immediately after World War II through the
African Association (AA) founded in 1929 by Kleist Sykes [6] as
founding secretary. Kleist Sykes died in 1949 and he left behind a vast amount
of personal papers and diaries which were consulted for the first time by John
Iliffe in 1960s while researching the history of African Association.[7] Unfortunately for certain reasons these documents
have not been made available to any researcher ever since save for the period
when the papers were consulted in the writing of Abdulwahid Sykes’s biography
in 1980s.[8] Sykes’s papers make very interesting
reading to any student of Tanganyika’s political history. Information in the
papers contradicts the known political history of colonial Tanganyika.
Interesting is the fact that when Kivukoni Ideological College was researching
into the history of TANU the panel of party researchers were notified about the
existence of these papers. The panel refused outright to consult these
documents satisfying themselves to focus on Nyerere alone. We will in the
course of discussion see what the reaction of CCM was when a corrective history
of TANU and Nyerere’s own history was attempted by independent researchers.
This collection of Sykes papers should have been preserved at the Tanzania
National Archives (TNA). These papers should not be allowed to be in private
hands.
Karume,
ASP, Umma Party: The Zanzibar Revolution Strategists Who Never Were
The
political history of Zanzibar is wrought with many events, themes and theories.
Popular among Zanzibar revolutionaries are what they refer as the Arab slavery
and this is taken as the source of the Zanzibar revolution of January 1964.
This is the official history which is taught in schools for half a century and
this history has its own ‘’official heroes,’’ which are the Afro Shirazi Party
(ASP) of Abeid Amani Karume and Umma Party of Mohamed Abdulrahman Babu and the
faction of ‘’comrades’’ who claim to have planned, organised and rose up in
arms to overthrow the Arab oligarchy. The foundation of party politics
and democracy built by Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) popularly known as Hizbu
is hardly mentioned. Again surprisingly little is known of the army of Makonde
tribesmen forming a mercenary force from sisal estates in Sakura and Kipumbwi
from Tanga in Tanganyika who were smuggled into the isles armed with machetes
to beef up ASP. The Makonde fought in the night of the revolution and the day
after killing many so called Arabs who they perceived had enslaved Africans for
almost three centuries.
Nowhere
is this army of mercenaries mentioned in the history of the Zanzibar Revolution
or the people who planned, financed and organised the Zanzibar invasion (to
borrow Ali Muhisin’s and Sultan Jamshid’s analogy) from Tanganyika. Fifty years
after the revolution members of the ASP deny participation of any force from
Tanganyika in the Zanzibar revolution. Surprisingly those who claim to have
laid the foundation of the revolution have not documented their participation
on how they participated in the revolution. The official hero of the Zanzibar
Revolution is Karume though he was in the dark about the plot and came to know
of the conspiracy to overthrow the government at the eleventh hour. But the
most puzzling piece of jigsaw is John Okello who was seemingly the hero of the
revolution. It was his voice which announced the fall of the Zanzibar
government. Okello was neither at Sakura nor in the corridors of ASP nor is
there any evidence that before the day of the revolution this man was known in
the politics of Zanzibar.
The
name of Julius Nyerere, Kassim Hanga and Oscar Kambona who were the mainstay of
the plot do not appear anywhere in the history of the revolution nor the names
of Victor Mkello and Mohamed Omari Mkwawa the two who with the connivance of
the state machinery in Tanganyika recruited the Makondes from the sisal estates
in Sakura to participate in the 1963 Zanzibar elections voting for ASP and to
overthrow the government in 1964.[9] However
these Makondes today remain faceless and nameless after years of denial and
suppression of their role in the revolution. Where are the Okello tapes? Are
they not part of Zanzibar history? Should they not be played and listened to by
the people during anniversary of the revolution? Or are the tapes and Okello’s
role in the revolution an embarrassment today? Can a nation deny its own
existence and therefore its own history?
The
names of Jumanne Abdallah and Ali Mwinyi Tambwe, the two top government
leadership in Tanga region involved in laying the groundwork for the invasion
from Kipumbwi are nowhere to be seen in the saga. Throughout his entire life
Ali Mwinyi Tambwe refused to talk about his role in the Zanzibar Revolution.
But the jewel in the crown is the omission of Algerians and Israelis in the
history of the Zanzibar Revolution much as a lot has been written on the role
of United States government and Britain. Ben Bella the president of Algeria
provided guns which were received in Dar es Salaam and Israeli it is believed
played a subtle role through Moshe Finsilber though it is not clear what Moshe
actually did. [10] Further research is to be
done to uncover the actual role of Moshe Finsilber in the Zanzibar Revolution.
No wonder many political actors are missing in the dramatis personae of the
Zanzibar Revolution play.[11] The history of
atrocities which were carried out by Zanzibar Revolutionary Council and the
‘’Committee of Fourteen’’ led by the notorious Seif Bakari and his followers is
another area yet to be researched.[12]
This
notwithstanding there has been attempts by individuals to uncover what happened
during the dark days in Zanzibar particularly from 1964 to 1972. Among
those who attempted to uncover the truth Ali Nabwa’s name stands out as a lone
voice. Jim Bailey the proprietor of the Drum magazine was the first person to
come across Ali Nabwa’s ‘’Prison Letters,’’ the letters which were seen for the
first time by the present author in 1994 of which years later he had this to
write in an obituary following Ali Nabwa’s death in 2007:
It was through this manuscript[13] that I came for the first time face to face
with Nabwa’s pen through his Prison Letters. The letters introduced Nabwa’s
mind to me in a way that I cannot find words to describe. In those letters
Nabwa’s pen was not writing but weeping and whipping. The words from Nabwa’s
pen were taking me to a different world which even in my wildest imagination I
never thought existed. The first letter written in 1973 from Central Police
Station Dar es Salaam shocked me. In that letter Nabwa described intimidation
and torture by the police in the style replica of the Ton Ton Macouts of Papa
Doc’s Haiti. In Nabwa’s sense of humour in the letter he says it
needs a Dickens to describe the squalor of the cell he was in. The letters
which followed were all from Condemned Section of Ukonga Prison. In his
analysis of the personalities which people were made to believe were symbols of
justice and principles Nabwa’s pen removed the charade and the camouflage to
reveal their true colours and identity. Nabwa’s letters were a potpourri of
short biographies, dossiers, profiles, hit list of ‘enemies’ and method of
their execution. In the Prison Letters Nabwa’s pen exposed the atrocities which
took place in Zanzibar after the revolution and analysed the arrogance,
mediocrity and sheer myopia of the leadership. Now looking back I am happy that
I was among those privileged to read Nabwa’s revelations of injustices in
Zanzibar before he became a celebrity of sorts and his revealing articles major
topic of discussion in the corridors of power.
The atrocities which no one had the courage to
speak about them publicly for almost forty years were laid bare for all to read
through Dira the paper which Nabwa founded in 2004. Dira was the first free
newspaper in Zanzibar since the revolution. The ripples from Nabwa’s pen were
electrifying. Dira became a paper eagerly awaited by the public including
Zanzibar leadership each week. Its circulation rose each passing week. Nabwa’s
pen was lifting the lid in broad daylight. The stories of treachery, rape,
murder, homosexuality, forced marriages by members of the Revolutionary Council
and their cronies in Zanzibar were all there with names, places and accomplices
for all to read and pass judgement. Those who had demonised the Sultan had no
tongue to defend their own ‘upright’ track record. The young generation began
to ask questions and in the answers they saw the leadership in power and the
revolution in a different light all together…
On
the contrary the sultan left Zanzibar his hands untainted with blood. This
cannot be said to the government which came into power after the revolution.[14] Adam Shafi himself a victim of those atrocities
has vividly portrayed the times in his novel ‘’Haini,’’[15] thinly
and unconvincingly disguising his narration as fiction.
The
political history of Tanganyika and Zanzibar remains undocumented to date, save
for the efforts by Ghassany and the author of this paper to present
respectively a contrary view of the official history. [16]
The official version has conveniently omitted the decisive role of many
patriots. The corrective version has attempted to insert back into history
those forgotten patriots including the unpalatable realities and hard facts.
Yash Tandon has lamented on the neglect of patriots who fought for independence
of their countries. Tandon called the forgotten heroes like Abdulwahid
Sykes and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James
Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘’veteran leaders of the
struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten.’’[17]
In
Tanzania the book, ‘’The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) the
Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism,’’[18] has completely changed the history of
Tanganyika’s struggle for independence. The work has brought into the fore
patriots who were in the struggle many years before Nyerere. But the shocking
revelation in the book was the fact that TANU was the brainchild of Abdulwahid
Sykes and not Nyerere and that its origin emanates from Kleist Sykes,
Abdulwahid’s father who founded the African Association in 1929 and Al Jamiatul
Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (Muslim Association of Tanganyika) in 1933 the two
associations which later in 1950s provided leadership to TANU. Unique in these
two associations is the fact that for many years the office bearers were the
same.
Having
purposely buried those who fought for independence consequently part of the
history of these countries is lost. Students of political history in East
African countries are in the dark about important events which took place and
carried out by the forgotten patriots. For example few are aware that there was
an attempt in 1950 by Kenya African Union (KAU) and TAA through their leaders,
Kenyatta and Abdulwahid to link the Kenyan struggle during Mau Mau with that in
Tanganyika and a secret meeting was held in Nairobi between the two. During the
Meru Land case in 1950 Tanganyika sought help from Kenya to assist them in
confronting the settler community in Meru.[19] There
were also Kenyans in TAA Executive Committee prominent among them were Dome
Okochi Budohi, Patrick Aoko and C Ongalo. These three Kenyans in the TAA
executive committee held office alongside Abdulwahid Sykes and Nyerere and were
among the early members of the African National Union (TANU) when the party was
formed in 1954.[20]
This
piece of information here below stands as witness to the rich history which for
many years remained unknown:
Abdulwahid
and his friend Ahmed Rashad Ali went to a house in the suburbs which was in
darkness and surrounded by Mau Mau guards. He was expected. Kenyatta was
informed and came out of the house to receive him. This meeting took place
under the cover of darkness probably in Eastleigh in the suburbs of Nairobi
where most of the 1950s Mau Mau meetings before the emergency took place. Ahmed
Rashad Ali recalls that he heard Kenyatta calling Abdulwahid by name. Kenyatta
had known Ally Sykes in Nairobi in 1946 and it is most probable that
Abdulwahid’s work was made easy by that acquaintance. Ahmed Rashad Ali met
Kenyatta and they shook hands. After introductions, Kenyatta, Abdulwahid, Fred
Kubai, Bildad Kaggia and Kungu Karumba went to another room where the meeting
took place. Ahmed Rashad remained outside with a guard.[21]
Another
meeting was proposed by Kenyatta to be held in Arusha and TAA was to be
presented by Abdulwahid Sykes, Steven Mhando and Dossa Aziz. This meeting never
took place because ‘’Operation Anvil’’ came into operation soon after.
In
1955 Dome Budohi and Patrick Aoko and other Kenyans were among Kenyans rounded
up in Dar es Salaam following ‘’Operation Anvil’’ which came into operation in
Kenya in 1954. Budohi and Aoko the two active Kenyans in TANU were remanded at
Central Police Station[22] in Dar es Salaam and
were all the time kept in chains. Budohi was the first Kenyan to join TANU and was
the proud bearer of TANU card no. 6.[23] Budohi
and Aoko were interrogated for six months and then sent to a camp in Handeni to
be transported to detention camps in Kenya. Budohi was detained in Lamu Island.
The Kenyan nationalists were packed in cattle wagons chained and they
passed through Korogwe and Taveta on their way back to Kenya. Ally Sykes then
transferred to Korogwe as punishment for being among the 17 founders of TANU
went to the railway station to see them off.
Among
the staff working at the Handeni camp was Rashid Mfaume Kawawa later to be Vice
President of Tanganyika. In Kawawa’s biography [24] his
stint at the camp in Handeni is not mentioned. Kawawa’s
book has nothing on these Kenyan patriots who struggled for Tanganyika’s
independence and about his experience with them at the Handeni Mau Mau camp and
what became of them when both Kenya and Tanganyika gained independence. Nyerere
has never talked about these Kenya nationalists either. Budohi and Kawawa were
both entertainers of their time, the cool, elegant young men of Dar es Salaam
of 1950s. Budohi was a talented musician playing with the Skylarks Band with
the Sykes brothers and Kawawa was an actor.
How
is this so? Budohi and Kawawa knew each other very well. The two had acted
together in a movie “Wageni Wema” made by Community Development Department let
alone that both were budding young politicians. Kawawa surely must be
having a lot of fond memories of those days long gone. It is also strange that
Kawawa’s book does not have references to his personal papers which are not
only important to Kawawa’s life history but to the history of Tanganyika as
well. Kawawa’s book does not mention contemporaries and fellow trade unionists
of his time in Tanganyika African Government Servants Association (TAGSA) like
Ally Sykes, Dr. Wilbard Mwanjisi, Thomas Marealle and others. Why this was not
in his book one can only speculate. It is now known without any shade of doubt
that such kind of information was surpassed because it was not to the interest
of those in power it is known that there were efforts to liberate the country
before their time. Kawawa’s book which should have been a political
biography remains drab all the way through the pages.[25]
The
Forgotten Patriots, Heroes and Heroines
The
struggle against British colonialism in Tanganyika was fought by many and from
every angle. There were the known front liners, patriots of the TAA like
Abdulwahid Sykes and his young brother Ally, Dossa Aziz, John Rupia,[26] Steven Mhando, Dr. Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza
Mwapachu (1913 – 1962)[27], Idd Faiz Mafongo,[28] Mshume Kiyate,[29] Joseph
Kasella Bantu,[30] and Zuberi Mtemvu in Dar es
Salaam, Ally Migeyo,[31] Saadan Abdu Kandoro and
Paul Bomani from the Lake Region, Yusuf ‘’Ngozi’’ Olotu [32] from
Kilimanjaro, Bilali Rehani Waikela,[33] Germano
Pacha, Fundi Muhindi from Tabora, Yusuf Chembera and Salum Mpunga from Lindi,
Hamisi Heri, Sheikh Rashid Sembe,[34] Mohamed
Kajembe from Tanga… the list is long. There were also the not so well known
like Lameck Bogohe who is also in the list of founding members of TANU. [35]
In this
category there were the Swahili women groups and societies who turned
‘’lelemama’’ songs into songs of protests and revolution. Famous among them
was Bibi Titi Mohamed (1926 – 2007),[36] Hawa
Bint Maftah, Tatu Bint Mzee of Dar es Salaam, Shariffa Bint Mzee of Lindi,
Halima Selengia[37] of Moshi, Dharura Bint
Abdulrahman of Tabora, Mwanamwema bint Sultan of Tanga and many others
pushing their struggle against colonialism through Muslim women societies and
‘’taarab’’ groups like ‘’Bomba Kusema,’’ ‘’Egyptian,’’ ‘’Al Watan,’’
‘’Saniyyat Hubb,’’ ‘’Arab Congo’’ etc. etc. But the bed rock of the struggle
was the Muslim clergy, the sheikhs like Sheikh Mohamed Ramia of Bagamoyo,
Sheikh Yusuf Badi of Lindi and Sheikh Rashid Sembe of Tanga and ‘’maalims’’
of ‘’madrasas’’ and the ‘’tariqas’’ with the ‘’murids’’ who provided
membership and leadership to TANU branches all over Tanganyika. The leader of
this movement was Sheikh Hassan bin Amir[38]who was
the Mufti of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. All these patriots mentioned above
although in passing were heroes in their own particular ways. Unfortunately
all of them are missing in Tanganyika’s political history.
One may
ask, ‘’Where was the Church, what role did the Church and the Christian
clergy play during the struggle?’’ This is the bone of contention in the
history of the struggle for independence in Tanganyika. The official version
has conveniently omitted the decisive role of Muslims and Islam as an
ideology of colonial resistance against foreign domination in Tanganyika. In
Tanzania it is a taboo to associate the struggle for independence with Islam
and Muslims. Is it because in Tanganyika the Church never played a
significant role in the struggle for independence? It is also a fact that
Christians assumed leadership positions in the independence government and
are still monopolising those positions because of their superior education.
Can this be the reason why Muslim contribution to independence struggle has
over the years been down played? [39] It is said those close to Nyerere
urged him to write about the struggle for independence but he always refused.
Oxford University Press who published many of his books even sent an emissary
to him to discuss the subject but he turned them down. Could the fear of
Muslims been the reason for his refusal?
The Fear
of History and Heroes
Leaders in
Africa seem to fear heroes other than themselves. If Bildad Kaggia had not
written his autobiography ‘’Roots of Freedom’’[40] the history of Mau Mau in Kenya as a
peasant movement against British colonialism would have many gaps. In absence
of that work and many others by other patriots it would not have been
possible to link the Kenyan struggle with the names of patriots like Jaramogi
Oginga Odinga, Pio Gama Pinto, Makhan Singh and Dedan Kimathi.
Much as it
is difficult to divorce the Kikuyu and Mau Mau from the struggle in Kenya so
it is impossible to divorce the role of Muslims in spearheading the struggle
against the British and in founding of TANU the party of independence. The
Kikuyu bore the brunt of colonialism more than any other ethnic group in
Kenya the way Muslims suffered more than any other group in colonial
Tanganyika. In Kenya the British in their tactics of ‘’divide and rule’’ the
focus was on ethnicity divide. The British appropriated Kikuyu land thus
turning Kikuyus into squatters in their own land. As a result of this
land grabbing policy of the British settler community the Kikuyu rose to the
occasion and engaged the British through Mau Mau. In Tanganyika because of
absence of tribalism the British fell back on religion to divide the people.
Christians were elevated at the expense of Muslims. Christians through
missionary schools and government grants were provided with schools to
educate their children while Muslims were left to fend for themselves.
Muslims suffered as colonised subjects singled out for discrimination by
being denied education, curtailing any chances for self-advancement.
The survival of Muslims as a people and Islam as a religion therefore lay in
the total overthrow of the colonial state.
A nation
which is formed from such a historical background of factions as in
Tanganyika and Kenya of which those divisions were made by the colonising
power with the sole purpose of creating rifts among the people is without any
shade of doubt is going to create problems for any emerging African nation.
First is the fact that during the struggle for independence there would be
certain factions in the body politic whose support to the struggle would be
lukewarm. There would also be factions who would prefer to sit on the fence
as dependable mechanism to safeguard their privileges under colonial setting.
This is because these factions feel colonialism is of benefit to them due to
the privileges extended to them by the colonial government. But these
positions are not tenable in a free country. In post colonial environment all
factions including those who sat on the fence would wish to share power
irrespective of their position to the struggle. These factions will no longer
be satisfied with crumbs. They will demand the main course of the menu in
capacity building and state formation. The direction of the country and
indeed interpretation of peoples’ history will therefore depend on who takes
the reins of power. If it is the comprador class which assume power after
independence the country will find itself in a situation which faced and is
facing many African countries today. The trend has been for that class in
power to strive to find enemies among those who fought for freedom in order
to justify and maintain their positions in society. The heroes who fought for
independence are by stroke of a pen turned to enemies of the state.
Fallacies,
Half Truths and Omissions
The
political history of Tanzania is a victim of official history and witch
hunting which followed immediately after independence. Official histories
which are a norm in many authoritarian regimes choose and pick what it
considers as appropriate to be included in the history of a nation. ’The
‘’truth’’ according to official histories usually goes contrary to facts. For
many years people were made to believe that the urge for the people of
Tanganyika to have a political party to fight for independence began with
Julius Nyerere in 1954. This is a fallacy. The urge for the people of
Tanganyika to organise themselves began in 1929 with the formation of the
African Association (AA) in Dar es Salaam. The trend in Tanzania has been to
down play the quarter century history of African Association and its
leadership. The achievements of the African Association remained undocumented
and very little were known about its leadership.[41]
In 1986
after a silence of almost 25 years Ally Sykes (1926 – 2013) one of the 17 founder
members of TANU in 1954 and a person who holds TANU card no. 2 and the person
who issued card no. 1 to Nyerere the card which bears his signature gave an
interview to a British journalist Paula Park. Park wrote a full page article
on the Sykes’s family contribution to the political development of Tanganyika
culminating into the founding of TANU in 1954.[42]Shortly after, Park was paid a visit by
immigration officials and quietly asked to leave the country. In 1988
an article was published in African Events (March/April) 1988 (pp
37- 41) in which Abdulwahid Sykes and other forgotten TANU pioneers received
prominence. It is the norm that anything contrary to the official history is
met with threats, hostility and at times sheer contempt. The author received
sharp rebuke from Party historian, Dr. Mayanja Kiwanuka, a leading member of
the panel which wrote Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977, the
official history of TANU and that particular issue was quietly removed from
circulation.[43] The
article could not be allowed to be read because it contradicted the official
TANU history.
In 1951
Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes, Mwapachu Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli
Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam
Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee,
Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando and Dossa
Aziz.were requested by Ivor Bayldon, [44]
Brig. Scupham and V.M. Nazerali [45] to
support formation of a multiracial political party. A glaring omission from
this list is the name of Julius Nyerere. Bayldon, Scuphum and Nazerali
were members of the Legislative Council. African members of the Legislative
Council who were enthusiastic about this new development of interracial alliance
in politics were Chief Kidaha Makwaia and Yustino Mponda of Newala.
Abdulwahid and the TAA inner circle refused to support this idea because TANU
existed in their minds.
Abdulwahid
Sykes had for many years been trying in vain to convince the powerful Chief
David Kidaha Makwaia of Shinyanga to join TAA and be elected president and
thereafter to form TANU. Chief Kidaha had made a mark in the politics of
colonial Tanganyika in the Legislative Council. It was obvious to many that
Chief Kidaha would lead the country as its first Prime Minister in free
Tanganyika. Unfortunately to Chief Kidaha while he was seemingly ready to
lead Africans of Tanganyika but he thought that leadership should come to him
through a political process initiated by the British and not through the
political movement by the TAA under the leadership of ‘’agitators’’ like
Abdulwahid Sykes, Hamza Mwapachu and Sheikh Hassan bin Amir the members of
TAA Political Subcommittee. [46]Chief Kidaha
politely declined the offer. In 1953 when Abdulwahid gave this offer to
Nyerere he accepted, was elected TAA president in June 1953 [47] and soon TANU was formed in July 1954. Despite
of this Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes including their father Kleist Sykes and
other patriots are not mentioned in the history of TANU.[48]
It is not
possible for any researcher to trace the origin of TANU outside the circle of
the Sykes family. When Abdulwahid Sykes died in 1968 Brendon Grimshaw then
Editor of Tanganyika Standard wrote an obituary in which he
paid a glowing tribute to the Sykes family on its contribution to the
political development of Tanganyika and without mincing words and without
fear stated that ‘’much of the desire among Africans for a powerful political
party in Tanzania came from the drive of the Sykes family.’’ [49] Any attempt to rewrite TANU history by
focusing on Nyerere and marginalising other patriots is bound to be met with
many obstacles. Chief Kidaha and Abdulwahid Sykes are hardly mentioned in the
history of TANU. Was Nyerere aware of what had transpired between Abdulwahid
Sykes and Chief Kidaha before he appeared on the scene?
As fate
would have it soon after independence Nyerere abolished chiefdoms and soon
thereafter Chief Kidaha was arrested and ostracised to Tunduru a remote area
in southern Tanganyika. Did Chief Kidaha get the time to reflect on his
misjudgement decision to shun TAA and Abdulwahid’ offer? When he was released
from detention Chief Kidaha immigrated to Kenya. Chief Kidaha’s history and
contribution to political development in Tanganyika while serving as member
of the Legislative Council in 1950s is not known to many students of
Tanganyika’s history. It is a pity that Chief Kidaha never talked publicly
about his political life and why he fell out with Nyerere. Chief Kidaha’s
obituary had this to say about his stand in African politics of 1950s: ‘’Aware of the white man's ambitions for him, the canny
chief avoided contact with "Young Turks" in the nationalist
movements springing up at the time.’’ [50]
It is easy
now to be able to understand the stand taken by Chief Kidaha at that time
through publication of new information on decolonisation of Tanganyika. There
is now new information that beginning 1950 the Special Branch embarked on a
systematic campaign of surveillance on the TAA leadership and the names of
Abdulwahid Sykes (who the reports contemptuously referred to as a Zulu),
Steven Mhando and Hamza Mwapachu [51] (who
the government labelled as ‘’communists’’) and Mashado Plantan editor of
Zuhra were high on Special Branch list. Chief Kidaha could not have been
unaware of this because of his proximity to Governor Edward Twining and the
colonial government. [52] Historians in
Tanzania have ignored Chief Kidaha Makwaia as they have ignored Abdulwahid
Sykes. This is the reason why the genesis of mass mobilisation and the
founding of TANU have skipped the two including others who were in the TAA
Political Subcommittee and the focus has always been on Nyerere and Nyerere
alone forgetting the fact that Nyerere came into lime light in 1953 when he
defeated incumbent Abdulwahid Sykes for presidency of TAA. And again it is
strange that when it is required to mention that Nyerere took leadership of
TAA in 1953 the names of TAA leaders are as a rule not mentioned.
The
Propagandists, the Singers and the Songs for Freedom
Radio
broadcasting was introduced in Tanganyika in 1952. The colonial government
set a up a radio station ‘’Sauti ya Dar es Salaam’’ which later came to be
known as Tanganyika Broadcasting Corporation (TBC). The radio was mainly used
by the colonial government for its own purpose of disseminating information
that was relevant to its own administrative policies and propaganda. In
between these tasks the government played music for entertainment of Africans
and its colonial staff. This transformation introduced into the country a
variety of music and artists from outside Tanganyika. The recording company
His Masters Voice (HMV) which had Red Label for music from Europe introduced
the Blue Label which was set aside for recording ‘’natives.’’
This encouraged local artists to compose and record their music which found
their way to local air waves. Overtime African music gradually changed its
tempo from love songs to songs of protests. These songs went hand in hand
with the waves of agitating for freedom and the lyrics conveyed special
message to the people. For obvious reasons these songs could not be recorded
and therefore be played by the local radio station. But somehow a few of them
found their way into the studios of record companies in Kenya and
Johannesburg.[53]
Among the artists who sang for freedom and were able to record songs of
protest were Frank Yosef Humplink (1927 – 2007)[54] and Salum Abdallah.
The song
‘Yes No’ by Frank Humplink was the signature tune for TANU and was played
before meetings to warm the stage before Sheikh Suleiman Takadir introduced
Nyerere to address the people. The lyrics of the song ‘’Yes No’’ was
perceived by the colonial administration in Tanganyika and Kenya as smacking
of agitation against foreign domination and therefore inciting people to
rebel. At that time Mau Mau was raging in Kenya, in Uganda Kabaka was in
exile in Britain and there was war in Korea. In this kind of political
climate the words in the song in which Frank Humplick mentioned China, Korea,
Nyasaland and Communism the song it seems conveyed a special message to the
oppressed. Overnight this song became a protest song for nationalists. The
song became very popular and was sung by people everywhere. In no time
Special Branch got wind of the message of the song and it did not seem to
like the lyrics.
The
colonial administration became worried with the song particularly the mention
of communism, China and the reference to British colonies in East Africa
which were anyway already in turmoil particularly the Mau Mau uprising in
Kikuyu led by Dedan Kimathi not to mention the agitation by Hastings Banda in
Nyasaland. The government banned the song and Frank Humplink was arrested.
Special Branch was assigned to make sure that all copies of the song were
destroyed. A house to house ‘’search and destroy’’ operation was conducted by
the police and ‘’Sauti ya Dar es Salaam’’ stopped to play the song which for
obvious reasons was very much in demand by listeners.
Frank
Humplick received unexpected publicity and went down in history of Tanganyika
to be the first artist whose work was banned by the government.[55] Salum
Abdallah’s song ‘’Kuku Mweusi Anapigana na Kuku Mweupe’’ with lyrics
depicting the friction between races in colonial setting passed unnoticed and
it enjoyed the air waves unmolested. Salum Abdallah after independence and
before his death in 1965 was to compose songs praising Nyerere with messages
of mobilising the people for nation building. Not a statue or a anything to
remember this great band leader can be seen in his home town Morogoro where
in 1947 he had set up his famous band – Cuban Marimba Chacha Band. But
veterans of the struggle whenever they hear his music those tunes take them
back through memory lane to the days of the struggle and to the early years
of independence. There were also the propagandists who overtly and
covertly spread the word both in print and in songs against the government
like the Bantu group and its prominent members Athmani Issa who was the
chairman and Hamisi Barika secretary, other prominent members were Rashid
Sisso[56] and Juma ‘’Mlevi,’’
Suleiman. Bantu group was the responsible for providing security to
Nyerere. Among these patriots was Ramadhani Mashado Plantan the editor and
proprietor of Zuhra the unofficial mouth piece of the TANU and Nyerere.[57] Frank Humplink and Salum Abdallah
unfortunately are not part of the history of the struggle of the people of
Tanganyika against colonialism. Nothing exists in the National Museum about
his their lives nor are the discs of the times in exhibition.
Conclusion
Where have the heroes and heroines of the struggle for independence
gone to? Is it that Tanzania is an ungrateful nation and therefore hates its
heroes? This is now the bone of contention between Muslims and the
government. Muslims without mincing words are now pointing an accusing finger
to the Church particularly the Catholic Church which it is
believed in connivance with President Nyerere frustrated hopes and
aspirations of Muslims in free Tanganyika, a country they liberated from
colonialism in 1961.[58] Muslims are now
organising nationwide mass rallies which openly and in live broadcasts
through Muslim radio stations denounce the church, criticise the government
and church agents within the ruling party CCM and the Parliament for
oppressing Muslims. Seemingly derogatory words like “pandikizi” (singular)
and “mapandikizi” (plural) meaning “turncoats;” or the new coined word “Mfumo
Kristo” roughly meaning “Christian dominance” are now part of the Muslim and
Swahili vocabulary. These analogies are used freely in the Muslim media and
among Muslims in every day conversation. But what usually thrills Muslims and
utterly significant showing that times have changed is when in the rallies
and in normal discussion Muslims refer to Nyerere hitherto known respectfully
as “Baba wa Taifa” as “Baba wa Kanisa,” meaning “Church Elder.” [59]
The move by the Catholic Church to make Nyerere a saint has not helped
matters. More so it proves all the allegations levelled against him that he
never was a nationalist but a Catholic zealot. Respect and love which
Muslims once had for Nyerere has been completely wiped out. The new
generation of Muslims no longer believe in the official history of TANU and
the propaganda that it was Nyerere who single handed defeated the British.
Muslims instead are in their own ways honouring the forgotten heroes of
independence movement and in so doing invoking emotions particularly in the
new generation to stand up against oppression as their forefathers had done
against foreign domination. Muslim heroes of the Maji Maji War like Suleiman
Mamba, Ali Songea Mbano,[60] and Muslim
nationalists like Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes, Dossa Aziz, Sheikh Hassan bin
Amir, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, Sheikh Yusuf Badi, Bibi Titi Mohamed, Bibi
Tatu bint Mzee, Bilali Rehani Waikela,[61] Ali
Migeyo and others are now part of nationalist history which was suppressed
for many years.[62] Muslims are demanding the
restoration of their history and honour as true liberators of Tanganyika.
This is unprecedented. One can only speculate and wonder where this would
lead to. Can we identify this phenomenon as corrective and revision of
history or is it a lesson of anarchy in recording history? [63]
|
[1] Dossa
and Hamza Aziz were sons of Aziz Ali a building contractor and one of richest
Africans in colonial Tanganyika.
[2] For details on the killings see Hamza Mustafa
Njozi, Mwembechai Killings and Political Future of Tanzania,
Globalink Communications Ottawa, 2000. The book is banned by the government.
[3] Aziz
Ali’s death appeared in the Tanganyika Standard newspaper with banner headline,
‘’the builder of mosques is dead’’ for most of the mosques in Dar es Salaam
were built by him and supplied the mosques with lanterns for lighting during
the days when Dar es Salaam did not have electricity. Aziz Ali maintained the
lanterns providing kerosene to them throughout his life.
[4]See Iliffe, John, A Modern History of
Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London, 1977, Duggan, W
R and Civille, J,R Tanzania and Nyerere, Orbis Book,
Maryknoll New York, 1976, Chiume, M W K, Vituko Vya Uhuru, Pan-African
Publishing Company Ltd, Dar es Salaam 1973, Chuo Cha Kivukoni, Historia
ya Chama Cha TANU 1954 – 1977, Dar es Salaam 1981.
|
[6] See Daisy Sykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes’, in Iliffe (ed) Modern
Tanzanians, Nairobi, 1973, pp. 95-114.
[7] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association
in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in Tanzania’.
Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968.
[8] The
Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) the Untold Story of the Muslim
Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press London,
1998.
[9] See
Harith Ghassany, Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru Zanzibar na Mapinduzi ya
Afrabia, 2010.
[10] Moshe
Finsilber played host to Moshe Dayan Israel Six Day war hero in 1967 when he
visited Zanzibar in 1961 before the June Riots.
[11] Badawy
Qullatein a Marxist and trade unionist was among those involved in the
revolution. He died in 2011 in Makka during pilgrimage without writing his
memoir. Those close to him admit that Qullatein had a lot of information
on Zanzibar Revolution. Although he was a leading figure in the Umma Party he
was close to members of the ASP - Seif
Bakari, Hassan Nassor Moyo, Saleh Saadalla and Abdulaziz Twala. He
was the person who immediately after the overthrow of the government sat down
with John Okello to form the Revolutionary Council. His personal papers have
not been made public and are in the custody of his family in Dar es Salaam.
Later in life Badawy the firebrand leftist of the Zanzibar Revolution became a
‘’sufi’’ and spent the rest of his life between his house and Kitumbini and
ShadhilyMosques in Dar es Salaaam. When Tanzania passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act of 2002 Badawy
was among Muslims rounded up for interrogations by the FBI. Badawy politely
told his interrogators that they have come to him very late they should have
came ‘’yesterday.’’ He told them that he regrets dearly that he lost an
important period of his lifetime in useless pursuit of politics. The FBI had no
further questions and allowed him to go home.
[12] There
is information that there is in existence in private hands a 10 page document
depicting how Abdallah Kassim Hanga was murdered after being transferred from
Ukonga Prison in Dar es Salaam to Zanzibar in 1968.
[13] The
manuscript ‘’Tanzania: The Story of Julius Nyerere,’’ was personally presented
to the author by proprietor of Drum magazine Jim Bailey in Dar es Salaam on 3rd November
1994 for editing. Bailey was introduced to the author by Ally Sykes.
[14](Obituary by M. Said: ‘’The Weeping Whipping Pen of
Mohamed Ali Nabwa (1936 – 2007’’ For more information on the changing
political climate in Zanzibar see Marie-Aude Fouere, ‘’Reinterpreting
revolutionary Zanzibar in the media today: The case
of Dira newspaper,’’ in Journal of Eastern African Studies, 2012 pp.
1-18.
[15] Adam
Shafi, ‘’Haini’’ Longhorn Publishers Kampala, 2003.
[16]The
Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) the Untold Story of the Muslim
Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, Minerva Press London, 1998. Also see
Harith Ghassany, Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru Zanzibar na Mapinduzi ya
Afrabia, 2010.
[17] Yash
Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy’ Inaugural Lecture Series No.
14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[19] See
Iliffe A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London 1977
pg. 502 quoting letter by Sykes to Sablak 8 December 1952 Also Japhet Kirilo’s
papers TNA.
[21] This
information is from Ahmed Rashad Ali broadcaster for Radio Free Africa in Cairo
a radio station set up by Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt in 1950s as propaganda
machinery for African countries fighting to liberate their countries from
colonialism. In that position Ahmed Rashad came to know many freedom fighters
including Jomo Kenyatta. For more information on Ahmed Rashad Ali see Maisha
na Nyakati za Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 – 1968) Historia Iliyofichwa Kuhusu
Harakati za Waislam Dhidi ya Ukoloni wa Waingereza katika Tanganyika,
Phoenix Publishers Nairobi 2002 pp 199 – 205. Ahmed
Rashad Ali Many years later had an audience with President Kenyatta at the
State House in Nairobi. Surprisingly Kenyatta remembered him as the person who
accompanied Abdulwahid to that meeting in Nairobi in 1950. The President called
his official photographer who took their photograph posing together. This
photograph decorated the living room of Ahmed Rashad Ali for many years.
President Kenyatta also presented him with a tie with the national colours of
Kenya.
[22] This
building still stands in its original form although it is not now a police
station. A plaque on the building to honour the nationalists who spent time
there will help in preserving that history.
[23] Julius
Nyerere card no. 1; Ally Sykes card no 2, Abdulwahid Sykes card no 3; Dossa
Aziz card No. 4; Denis Phombeah card No. 5; Dome Okochi Budohi card no.
6 John Rupia card No. 7; Bibi Titi Mohamed card No. 16; Idd Tosiri card
No. 25.
[24] John
M. J. Magotti, “Simba wa Vita Katika Historia ya Tanzania Rashidi Mfaume
Kawawa,” Matai and Co. Ltd. 2007.
[25] The
present author wrote an article cum book review on the book, ‘’A Tale of Two
Books and the Book that Never Was.’’ All the newspapers refused to publish the
article.
[26] Abdulwahid
Sykes, Ally Sykes, Dossa Aziz and John Rupia were the financiers of the
movement from 1950 to 1961 when independence was achieved.
[27] See
Andrew Bomani in Raia Mwema of 19 October 2012 ‘’Hamza
Mwapachu na Nyerere Kuelekea Uhuru wa Tanganyika.’’ Hamza Mwapachu and
Abdulwahid Sykes are the ones who recruited Nyerere into colonial politics in
1952 when Nyerere came to Dar es Salaam to work as a teacher at St. Francis College,
Pugu. Hamza Mwapachu has been honoured in Kenya. Through efforts by Ali
Mwakwere after learning that Mwapachu was a fellow Digo and that he was the
first Digo to attend Makerere College in 1943 Mwakwere had a street in Kwale
District his own home area named after Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu.
[28] Idd
Faiz Mafongo was among the first 20 members who attended the first TANU meeting
in August 1954. He was the Al Jamiatul Islamiyyya and TANU treasurer at the
same time. As TANU treasurer he was responsible for collecting funds for
Nyerere’s first trip to UNO in 1955.
[29] Mshume
Kiyate a rich fish monger at Kariakoo Market and a strong member of TANU Elders
Council adopted Nyerere as his own son in 1955. Mshume Kiyate was among TANU
financiers. In 1964 when the army mutinied and Nyerere came back to power after
the army was disarmed by the British TANU held a mass demonstration in support
of Nyerere in which Nyerere gave a speech. Mshume Kiyate was the elder
politician who was nominated by the party to go up the stage with Nyerere to
cloth him with a traditional Swahili attire known as ‘’kitambi’’ as show of
love, support and respect to him. Mshume Kiyate died a poor man failing even to
pay his medical bills. His contribution to TANU and support to Nyerere remain
unrecognised. Efforts to name Tandamti Street which he lived during the
struggle after him has been resisted by City Council authorities.
[30] Kasella
Bantu was the one who took Nyerere to Abdulwahid Sykes’s house to introduce
them in 1952.
[31] G. Mutahaba, Portrait of a Nationalist:
The Life of Ali Migeyo, East African Publishing House, 1969.
[32] Yusuf
Ngozi was responsible for founding TANU in Kilimanjaro in 1955 despite of
efforts by the colonial government to sabotage the party. History will remember
Yusuf Ngozi for organising the Chagga to register as voters in the hated
Tripartite Vote of 1958 which was known as ‘’Kura Tatu’’ in which an African
was required to vote for a European, Asian and African candidate. Yusuf Ngozi
died a poor man in 1989.
[33] Bilali
Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in Western Province in 1955 and
Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) was
detained by Nyerere in 1964 for “mixing religion and politics.” His personal
papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWS crisis of 1968 and the
reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs and banned the society in 1968.
A documentary of his political life has been made and although not officially
recognized as a patriot, Muslims now consider him as one of the heroes of the
independence movement. For more information see Mohamed Said, “In Praise of
Ancestors,” Africa Events (London) March/April 1988.
[34] Sheikh
Rashid Sembe (1912 – 1999) was among the TANU inner circle in Tanga who with
Julius Nyerere plotted to circumvent TANU majority membership who where against
contesting the Tripartite Election of 1958. This interesting story has never
been made public. Other members to the Tanga Strategy were Amos Kissenge,
Mwalimu Kihere and Hamisi Kheri. At the Tabora Conference of 1958 Nyerere was
able to convince TANU to participate in the election. The outcome of this was
resignation of Zuberi Mtemvu from TANU and formation of African National
Congress (ANC) to oppose TANU and soon after a faction detached itself from
TANU to form All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). Nyerere
referred to this story publicly only once in his lifetime and it was in
passing. For details see M. Said ibid. The Life and Times of Abdulwahid
Sykes…pp. 233-252.
[35] Lameck
Bogohe after many years of oblivion wrote an article (Nipashe 7
Julai 2010) giving details of his contribution in the founding of TANU IN
1954.
[36] Titi
Mohamed fell out with Nyerere soon after independence on issues concerning the
role of Islam in free Tanganyika and was hounded out of TANU eventually charged
in treason trial in 1970 with Oscar Kambona. She was given life sentence but
was pardoned after serving few years in jail.
[37] Halima
Selengia died in 2013 her contribution to the struggle for independence
unrecognised.
[38] Issa
Ziddy, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir (1880-1979). Also See
Mohamed Said, “Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - The Moving Spirit of Muslim
Emancipation in Tanganyika (1950 – 1968)” (Paper presented at Youth Camp
Organised by Zanzibar University, World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and
Tanzania Muslim Students Association (TAMSA) 27th February – 4th March
2004. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir is credited for mounting support of Muslims to
Nyerere by steering the party towards a path of nationalist-secularist
ideology. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir fell out with Nyerere from 1962 and in 1968
was deported to Zanzibar as a prohibited immigrant. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was
a member of TAA Political Subcommittee in 1950 the inner circle which founded
TANU in 1954. Other members of the TAA Political Subcommittee were: Abdulwahid
Sykes, Hamza Mwapachu, Dr. Vedasto Kyaruzi, Steven Mhando, John Rupia and Said
Chaurembo.
[39] On
27 th April, 1985, Julius Nyerere, before stepping down from power conferred a
total of 3,979 medals to Tanzanians who had contributed to the development of
the nation. None of those who took part in the struggle for independence was in
that list.
[40] Kaggia, Bildad, Roots of Freedom
1921-1963: The Biography of Bildad Kaggia, East African Publishing
House
1975.
|
[41] At
various times between 1945 and 1950 the African Association then known as
Tanganyika African Association was led by the best brains in Tanganyika among
them was the five doctors: Dr. Luciano Tsere, Dr. Joseph Mutahangarwa, Dr.
Michael Lugazia, Dr W.E.B. Mwanjisi and Dr. Vedasto Kyaruzi. Others were Ali
Juma Ponda, Hassan Suleiman, Ali Migeyo, Abdulwahid Sykes and Hamza Mwapachu to
name a few.
[43] The
editor of Africa Events was Mohamed Malamali Adam. Other
contributors were Ahmed Saleh Yahya Ahmed Rajab and Abdulrahman Mohamed
Babu.Africa Events magazine was considered a hostile paper to the government.
In retaliation the government refused to approve transfer of its funds back to
its main office in London. The government made a deal with the magazine that it
would be allowed to circulate in Tanzania without molestation and will be
allowed to repatriate its funds back to United Kingdom if it fulfils certain
conditions. Africa Events obliged.
[44]Ivor Bayldon was the founder president of United
Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed by Europeans in 1955 to oppose TANU. The
Vice-President was Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.
[46] In
1950s Abdulwahid’s office at Kariakoo Market where he was working as Market
Master and Mwapachu’s office at Ilala Welfare Centre where he was working as
Assistant Welfare Officer were the two centres of the robust African politics
in Dar es Salaam.
[47] See
Tanganyika Standard 19th June 1953 TAA executive committee:
Julius Nyerere, President; Abdulwahid Sykes, Vice-President; J.P. Kasella
Bantu, General Secretary; Alexander M. Tobias and Waziri Dossa Aziz, Joint
Minuting Secretary; John Rupia, Treasurer and Ally K. Sykes as Assistant
Treasurer. Committee members were Dr Michael Lugazia, Hamisi Diwani, Tewa Said,
Denis Phombeah, Z. James, Dome Okochi, C. Ongalo and Patrick Aoko.
[48] See ‘’Historia ya TANU 1954 –
1977,’’ Kivukoni Ideological College, Dar es Salaam 1981. In celebrating 50
years of independence in 2011 Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes the two brothers were
honoured by President Kikwete as patriots who founded TANU and contributed in
the struggle for independence.
[50] Chief
David Kidaha Makwaia The Herald (Scotland) 12 May 2007.
[51] Hamza
Mwapachu was at that time contributing articles to Fabian Society paper ‘’The
Sentinel.’’
[52] For
more information see ‘’Nationalism Breaking the Imperialist Chain at its
Weakest Link,’’ in Tanzania Zamani Journal of the Historical
Association of Tanzania Vol. III No. 2 1997, also see Tanganyika Political
Intelligence Summary, March 1952, Sykes Papers.
[53] Artists
in East Africa were recorded by Gallotone Records in South Africa and Jambo
Records and Mzuri in Kenya.
[54] See
Obituary by M. Said ‘’Singer Who Angered the Colonialists’’ ‘’The East
African’’ in All Africa 7th January 2008.
[55] The
second song to be banned in Tanzania was a song by Sal Davis (Salim Abdallah)
in which in praising the first government in Zanzibar the name of Prime
Minister Mohamed Shamte was mentioned. After the overthrow of Shamte’s
government in 1964 the song was banned.
[56] During
the struggle Rashid Sisso came to be very close to Nyerere and Nyerere gave him
the nickname ‘’Officer.’’
[57] Ramadhani
Mashado Plantan came to Tanganyika from Mozambique as a child in 1905 he was
among the children of Affande Plantan who came to Tanganyika with Sykes Mbuwane
(father of Kleist Sykes) in 1894 as a leader of the Zulu mercenaries recruited
by Hermine Von Wissman to help Germans in their war against Bushiri bin Harith
in Pangani and Chief Mkwawa who were resisting Germany colonialism. The
children of these Zulu mercenaries came to dominate local politics in Dar es
Salaam. Schneider Abdillah Plantan was a powerful member of TANU and was
secretary of Daawat Islamiyya (Muslim Call) under Sheikh Hassan bin Amir. His
elder brother Mwalimu Thomas Plantan was president of the TAA who was
overthrown by force by Abdulwahid Sykes and Hamza Mwapachu in 1950 paving way
for radical changes in the association. Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was deported to
Zanzibar following the crisis of the EAMWS in 1968 and Schneider Abdillah
Plantan was detained.
[58] Catholics form 76% of all members
of Parliament the remaining 24% seats are divided between Christians of other
dominations and Muslims. Muslims control a mere 6% of the seats. Most areas which are under developed in
Tanzania mainland are areas with Muslim majority like Kigoma, Tabora, Kilwa,
Mtwara, Lindi etc. These areas are now re-examining themselves and are
gradually turning into local factions of radical Muslim politics reminiscence
of the era of nationalist politics of the 1950s. This could be a source of
civil unrest in the very near future. Signs of this have begun to show in the
recurrent violent conflicts between Muslims and the government. Tanzania has
experienced the Buzuruga Muslim-Sungusungu Conflict (1983), Pork
Riots (1993) and Mwembechai Upheaval (1998). For more information See Hamza
Mustafa Njozi, Mwembechai Killings and Political Future of Tanzania,
Globalink Communications Ottawa, 2000. (The book is banned by the government).
[59] The
late Prof. Haroub Othman after reading Sheikh Ali Muhsin’s book Conflict
and Harmony in Zanzibar 1997, and The Life and
Times of Abdulwahid Sykes 1924 -1968
The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in
Tanganyika, Minerva Press, London 1998 and having come across hitherto
unknown information on Nyerere was devastated because he was a great admirer of
Nyerere as a patriot and a nationalist. The two books had painted him
differently. Prof. Haroub confronted Nyerere and told him that the allegations
in those two works have tarnished his image and he advised him to respond to
them. Nyerere never did. Christian lecturers at Dar es Salaam University are
discouraging students from making references to those two books. Dr. Harith
Ghassany’s book Kwaheri Ukoloni Kwaheri Uhuru, has also come up
with more information on Zanzibar Revolution hitherto unknown in Tanzania.
[60] In
all historical references to Maji Maji War hero and Chief of Wangoni Ali Songea
Mbano, his Muslim name “Ali” would be omitted and he would be referred to as
Songea Mbano. Muslim names of Maji Maji fighters have been changed and
Christian names inserted instead. The Maji Maji Museum at Mahenge in Songea has
been desecrated removing all Muslim symbols in the exhibits completely wiping
up a whole history of a people in a particular time setting of resistance to
domination by a foreign power.
[61] Bilali
Rehani Waikela one of the TANU founder members in Western Province in 1955 and
Regional Secretary of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) was
detained by Nyerere in 1964 for “mixing religion and politics.” His personal
papers were of great help in understanding the EAMWS crisis of 1968 and the
reasons why Nyerere detained prominent sheikhs banned the society in 1968.
[62] Maji Maji Museum in Songea which has been greatly
desecrated removing all signs of Muslim symbols during the Maji Maji War with
Germans. The Maji Maji Museum at Peramiho under the Catholic Church has closed
its doors to young Muslims for fear of criticism for distorting history. All
Muslim symbols in Maji Maji War against Germans have been obliterated in the
Maji Maji Museum.
[63] A
children’s book authored by the current writer, Torch on Kilimanjaro,
Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 2007 has been blacklisted and cannot be
included as a reader in schools because it contravenes the official
history.
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